Features
In 1948, 20 young Jewish men from Winnipeg went to Palestine to fight for the fledgling Jewish state
Ed. introduction: In 1989 my late brother Matt wrote a story about a gathering of 10 “Machalniks” in Winnipeg. Machal, as the story explains, was short for “Mitnadvei Hutz La’aretz,” volunteers from outside the country.
Machalniks were men who volunteered to make their way to Palestine and join the Haganah in Israel’s War of Independence.
By MATT BELLAN
August 2, 1989
When Al Chapnick visits Israel, he avoids Jerusalem.
The Winnipeg insurance salesman has visited the Jewish state three times in the past 40 years.
On one trip he spent a half hour in Israel’s capital and left… and that was it.
Chapnick has vivid, painful memories of fighting from house to house in Jerusalem during Israel’s War of Independence.
“It overhangs you for the rest of your life,” he explains, his voice trembling slightly. “The thing I remember is having to cover dead victims with lime because the smell was atrocious.”
Chapnick and seven other Winnipeg Jews are known as Mahalniks, an acronym for the Hebrew title the Israeli government assigned foreign volunteers who fought for Israel during the War of Independence.
The letters in Machal stand for “Mitnadvei Hutz La’aretz,” volunteers from outside the country.
The Jewish War Veterans of Canada, Winnipeg Post, in cooperation with the General Monash branch of the Royal Canadian Legion last month, held a dinner at the Legion’s Main Street, headquarters, partly to honour Winnipeg’s eight living Machalniks, and Eddie Kaplansky, a Machalnik from Winnipeg now living in Haifa.
It was the first time, the Machalniks claimed, that an organization in Winnipeg’s Jewish community had come forward to commemorate their sacrifices for Israel.
TOLD THEIR STORIES
The honorees took turns speaking briefly at the microphone set up at one end of the long banquet table, and in interviews later, several told their stories.
In early 1948, only a few months after the United Nations voted to establish a Jewish and an Arab state in Palestine, recruiters were fanning out around the world.
Their mission: to enlist volunteers to serve in the Haganah, Palestine’s Jewish Defence forces, when Israel came into being on May 15.
In Canada, Jewish businessmen, lawyers and war heroes spearheaded the recruitment effort.
Enlisting Canadian Jews to fight in Palestine wasn’t illegal, but the recruiters usually held their meetings quietly, to avoid attracting the Canadian government’s attention.
The British were still in charge in Palestine. Recruiters for various fighting groups in Palestine, including the Irgun, were passing through Winnipeg.
The Irgun was already famous for its attacks on British military targets. Tying to recruit Canadian Jewish boys for such efforts might force the Canadian government to clamp down, organizers of the recruitment drive feared.
Sid Winston, commander of the Jewish War Veterans’ Winnipeg Post, was the secretary for the General Monash branch in the late 1940s and witnessed the Haganah recruitment sessions in Winnipeg’s Hebrew Sick Benefit Association on Selkirk Avenue.
“These fellows came through, and we didn’t even know their names.” he recalls. “We never took minutes.”
The recruiters preferred single men with combat experience.
“A fellow named John Secter did the recruiting out west,” recalls Jack Hurtig, Winnipeg businessman, who grew up in Edmonton.
First, Secter made contact with heads of all Jewish communities across Western Canada.
“They called a meeting, but didn’t say what it was about,” Hurtig says. In Edmonton, Secter told us “what was happening in Palestine under the British. He asked us who was going to go and who wasn’t …”
Hurtig was only 17, but had studied to be an astronautical engineer, and served as a student navigator during the war.
Like many other Canadian Jews who signed up to fight for Israel, Hurtig hadn’t been an active Zionist, but “they felt they had a job to do and they went.”
Al Chapnick was 18 in 1948 and a member of Young Judaea in Winnipeg.
The British had placed a strict ban on Jewish immigration to Palestine. The British had also advised Canada, the U.S. and other countries to interrogate people at border crossings and turn them back if they were heading for Palestine,.
Chapnick, like other recruits, embarked on a long, harrowing, and complicated journey to get around the ban on immigration.
To reduce suspicion that they were heading for Palestine, Haganah agents sent recruits from eastern Canada to cross the border south of Vancouver, and western Canadians to Niagara Falls.
When Chapnick got off the train in Niagara Falls, he used his “cover story.” He informed customs officials he was going to visit relatives in New York City.
Someone contacted him at Grand Central Station and directed him to a hotel where he found 31 other young Canadian Haganah recruits sitting in a room.
The recruits headed two at a time to a boat that has served as a cargo carrier during the war.
Arriving in Le Havre, France they looked for the Haganah contact who would meet them.
“She did,” Chapnick remembers. “It was a 14-year-old girl. She had tickets for all 31 of us, took pictures of all of us, and had train tickets for Paris. Then, another contact picked us up, took us to a restaurant in the Jewish quarter and, from there, somebody took us by train to Marseilles.
“Then trucks took us to DP camps, and there, we were given false identities of people killed during the war.”
At a port outside Marseilles,, a fishing boat designed for a crew of four picked up Chapnick and 155 other recruits for the final leg of the journey.
“It took 16 days to cross the Mediterranean. We couldn’t go too far offshore. There were no lifejackets, no lifeboats.”
Two months after starting his trip in Winnipeg, Chapnick arrived in Palestine.
But as the illegal immigrants got off the boat the British authorities interned them in a camp, intending to ship them to Cyprus.
Chapnick and three others escaped the next day and one of the three, an American, escorted them to a kibbutz where he had contacts
“We stayed there till the British didn’t have any authority in the country,” Chapnick continues.
In June 1948 he joined the Haganah, signing up for the English-speaking Seventh Brigade under a commander from Toronto.
As Calgary historian David Bercuson recounts in “The Secret Army,” a book about the Machalniks, Israel’s War of Independence was a long, exhausting struggle for Jewish survival. It started in May 1948 and didn’t formally end until June 1949.
More than 5000 foreign volunteers signed up to fight for Israel alongside about 43,000 men and women in the Haganah’s commando unit, the Palmach.
Opposing Israel were about 100,000 Arab soldiers from Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt and Palestinian Arabs.
The British equipped the Jordanians and Egyptians well, shipping them millions of dollars worth of weapons in early 1948 and the Iraqis were also well armed.
“The Egyptians came up from the south, as far as Bat Yam, just south of Tel Aviv,” Chapnick recalls. The Jordanians got as far west as Tulkarm, (about 10 miles from the Mediterranean Sea, north of Tel Aviv), and the Lebanese as far south as the Jezreel Valley in southern Galilee.
“We were infantry, we tried to liberate as much of the country as we could, defend kibbutzim, and so on…”
A month later Chapnick was transferred to an “antitank platoon.”
“I was on a half track,” he says.That group liberated the whole Gail, north of Haifa. “We were all over. We captured Beer Sheva on my birthday – I’ll never forget that day.”
(To be continued.)
Features
Haifa University launches $60 Million ‘Home Again’ Campaign to help rebuild war- devastated northern Israel
By MYRON LOVE In early July, Haifa University announced a new campaign to help rebuild the war-devastated communities of northern Israel. The “Home Again” campaign aims to raise $60 Million for regional recovery – and the Canadian Friends of Haifa University is set to do its part.
“We at CFHU hope to raise $1-million or more from our donors across Canada toward the campaign,” reports Ariel Karabelnicoff, executive director of Canadian Friends of Haifa University.
In an earlier interview that was published in this newspaper last year, the former Winnipegger – now in his third year with CFHU – noted that the University of Haifa is among the largest universities in Israel, but is also the youngest. Fully accredited in 1972, he said, the university has an enrollment of 18,000 students – with a student body that reflects the diversity of Israel’s population. About 40% of the students come from the Druze, Circassian and Arab communities and – among the Jewish students – there are many whose families are from Ethiopia.
The University of Haifa, Karabelnicoff added, also boasts the highest percentage among Israeli universities of students who are the first generation in their families to attend university.
The new initiative, he reports, aims to “restore and revitalize the north through science, innovation, and data-driven research rooted in community priorities and focused on real-world outcomes. “
While the campaign, Karabelnicoff points out, was originally conceived to address the cascading crises that first began on October 7, 2023, the urgency has become even greater due to direct missile strikes on Haifa and surrounding areas during the short war with Iran in April.
“The devastation brought mass displacement, overwhelmed public services, and deepened strain on communities already struggling to recover from months of conflict,” Karabelnicoff notes. “The campaign now represents not just regional recovery, but a cornerstone of Israel’s national resilience strategy for the post-conflict era. “
Karabelnicoff quotes University of Haifa President Professor Gur Alroey as stating that “in this moment of national crisis, when Israel’s northern communities have been tested like never before, University of Haifa is stepping forward to turn trauma into transformation. What was already a crucial mission of recovery after October 7 has become an existential imperative following the devastation of recent weeks. We are not just restoring what was lost, we are building the foundation for Israel’s long-term future—something stronger, more resilient, and more just.”
In the aftermath of October 7, Alroey reports, Hezbollah rockets devastated northern towns, triggering the largest internal displacement in Israel in decades. More than 68,000 people—families, farmers, and seniors—became refugees in their own country. Today, less than half have returned home. As Iranian long-range missiles threatened the north, communities faced not just a security crisis but a comprehensive breakdown in public health, education, employment, and social cohesion. In rural and peripheral areas, rehabilitation beds are scarce, mental health services are overwhelmed, and economic life has ground to a halt.
Karabelnicoff notes that the Home Again campaign is offering a coordinated, data-informed strategy, anchored in real-time research, local partnerships, and measurable programs across three core pillars.
The first is a multi-front recovery strategy – led by emotional and physical rehabilitation specialists affiliated with the university – for one of the region’s greatest invisible burdens – trauma.
“PTSD has surged by 33% among residents,” Karabelnicoff reports, “with children and parents bearing some of the deepest scars.”
Simultaneously, he continues, northern hospitals are ill-equipped to meet rising demands for complex rehabilitation care. The university is addressing both gaps.
The university is addressing this issue through mental health teams operating rapid-response networks – including the establishment of 24/7 hotlines and mobile therapeutic units. As well, the university’s Cheryl Spencer Nursing School is training more frontline responders to assess and manage trauma – and a proposed Community Rehabilitation and Research Center, spearheaded by Dr. Hilla Sarig Bahat, would merge academic research with hands-on clinical care—the first model of its kind in Israel.
The second focus is aimed at restoring economic stability and regional capacity in the north. With unemployment in the north spiking nearly 50%, Karabelnicoff points out, “the university is launching targeted workforce initiatives designed to meet immediate needs and build long-term regional capacity. These include specialized training programs for nurses, educators, trauma specialists, and environmental rehabilitation professionals. Additionally, discharged soldiers are being offered re-skilling opportunities in sustainable marine industries tied to Israel’s northern coastline, connecting economic recovery to national resilience.”
The final prong in the University of Haifa’s new initiative is focused on investing in community futures through real-time legal aid clinics, AI-assisted social service platforms, and coexistence-building programs that will bring Jewish and Arab residents together in the workplace.
“The university is working to restore both public trust and strategic cohesion,” Karabelnicoff says. “Researchers are partnering with kibbutzim, regional councils, and national ministries to revitalize schools, renew cultural life, and strengthen the social fabric at a time when national solidarity is dangerously frayed.”
For readers interested in contacting Ariel about supporting this new Canadian Friends of Haifa University initiative, his email address is ariel.karabelnicoff@haifa-univ.ca.
Features
Trump’s Nobel Peace Prize Quest And the Ukraine War
By HENRY SREBRNIK In a recent letter nominating U.S. President Donald Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel heaped praise on the diplomatic deals known as the Abraham Accords, establishing diplomatic relations between his country and three Arab states.
Netanyahu called the 2020 accords, brokered by Trump, “breakthroughs” that had “reshaped the Middle East,” making a “historic advance toward peace, security and regional stability.” Trump brokered the treaties between, initially, Israel, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, signed at the White House that September 15.
As I wrote at the time, Trump deserved the prize, but his detractors saw to it that it was instead awarded to the World Food Program, “for its efforts to combat hunger, for its contribution to bettering conditions for peace in conflict-affected areas and for acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of hunger as a weapon of war and conflict.”
A worthy organization, of course, but it could have been granted the prize in any year since its foundation in 1961. Trump deserved the prize, but didn’t get it, due to animosity from the international liberal elites.
By 2021 Trump was out of office, but he would still have been eligible. Instead. the prize went jointly to Maria Ressa, a Filipino-American journalist and investigative reporter for CNN and a professor at Columbia University, and Dmitry Andreyevich Muratov, founder of a pro-democracy Russian newspaper, for “their efforts to safeguard freedom of expression, which is a precondition for democracy and lasting peace.” Again, more of a “human rights” award than a diplomatic effort to end armed conflict.
Trump has long sought a Nobel Prize and has publicly questioned the decision to award the honour in 2009 to former president Barack Obama, who had barely entered the White House at the time. This time around, despite lingering bias, I think Trump will receive it. He can’t be overlooked — because he is really bringing at least a modicum of peace between longtime foes around the world.
The August 8 agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan notched another victory for him. The photograph of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan shaking hands, with a smiling Trump holding both their arms, should alone do it. And it comes after a series of such deals. He spent much of his appearance promoting his administration’s role in overseas peace processes. His last such success came at the end of July, when he intervened to bring Cambodia and Thailand to the negotiating table after a border dispute.
Trump claimed involvement in a May ceasefire between India and Pakistan, two nuclear powers, though India denied, for domestic reasons, that the U.S. was a major actor. In June, he celebrated a peace agreement brokered by the U.S. between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, doing so with a signing in the Oval Office.
“Today’s signing follows our success with India and Pakistan. They were going at it. They were going at it big,” Trump reminded people. “Also the Congo and Rwanda. Now that was one, which was going on for 31 years, and we have it all done, and people are very happy.”
Several world leaders have said they were nominating Trump for the prize, including Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet. Among others, the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan have expressed their support. Pashinyan and Aliyev said that they believe Trump deserves the Nobel Peace Prize and that they will advocate on his behalf to the Norwegian Nobel Committee. Aliyev remarked that what Trump did in six months was a “miracle.”
Now comes the hardest part: the horrific Russia-Ukraine war. It has become Trump’s obsession to end it and enter the history books as a peacemaker. The symbolism of Trump meeting Vladimir Putin on the tarmac in Anchorage, Alaska August 15 was a photograph that undoubtedly made it to the front pages of every newspaper in the world. Prior to the meeting, former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Democratic Party candidate who lost the presidential election to Trump in 2016, said she would nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize if he managed to pull off this extremely challenging feat!
Of course, the Alaska summit was actually just a first step. The ball is now in Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s court. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Aug. 20 that Russia would agree to Western security guarantees for Ukraine only if Russia and China have a veto.
Russia’s list of demands includes assurance that Ukraine will not join NATO. Conversely, Moscow will have to accept an eventual Ukrainian accession to the European Union. Remember: unlike the U.S. and Europe, neither Russia nor Ukraine can afford to lose. Both — yes, both — see themselves up against the wall.
A redrawing of national borders seems inevitable. Much of Donetsk, Luhansk, and of course all of Crimea, with their Russophone populations, will likely remain Russian. On the other hand, Ukraine will become a far more homogenous nation state, perhaps a step towards its greater democratization. Otherwise, the war will continue.
And I haven’t even mentioned Gaza.
As for Trump’s Nobel? The road ahead is rough, but it will still be a sure thing.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.
Features
How beginners can profit from crypto
There are some people who have made money through investing in cryptocurrency. However, how can crypto help you make a profit if you are a beginner who doesn’t have a lot of technical expertise? Here is a list of some of the ways you can make money with crypto without having a lot of experience in the subject.
Get in early
One way you can, potentially, earn money from crypto without needing any deep technical knowledge is by finding opportunities to get in on the ground floor. If you study any upcoming crypto launches by, for instance, looking at the list of new crypto presales from Best Wallet, you might find a coin or token which you could make a profit from. Very often, a cryptocurrency’s presale price is lower than what it trades at when it first appears on the open market. So, if you are careful, do your own research, and have luck on your side, you could make a profit from a cryptocurrency presale.
Earn interest
If you want to make a profit in a slow but sure manner, then earning interest on a crypto savings account might just be for you. Much like a traditional, fiat, savings account, your money is lent out to borrowers or, in some cases, put into liquidity pools, and you earn interest, which can be as much as 10 per cent. Most major exchanges will let you do this, and they are often pretty user-friendly, too, so it won’t require a great deal of crypto expertise. If you do put your money into a savings account, make sure you research the platform and start with a small amount, the sort of amount of crypto you could afford to lose. It also helps if you diversify somewhat and use different platforms to avoid the risk of losses.
Earn as you learn
While the debate between centralized and decentralized exchanges isn’t going to go away at any point soon, something that can work in favor of centralized exchanges is how they can give you free crypto in the form of learn-to-earn programs. These involve surveys and quizzes about particular cryptocurrencies, which reward players with some of the subject cryptos once they have completed them. Although the rewards are not exactly massive – usually a few dollars’ worth of the said crypto – they are real. What is, perhaps, even more useful is that the quizzes are educational, so you won’t just gain crypto from doing them, you will also learn more about the whole cryptosphere.
Keep loyal
If you’ve been shopping at any point this century, the chances are that you will be familiar with the concept of loyalty cards. These give you rewards for doing your shopping, or eating and drinking, at a specific chain or store. And what’s true of traditional retail is becoming ever more commonplace with cryptocurrency. Whether it’s with crypto debit cards, which give users rewards in the form of crypto, shopping platforms such as StormX or Lolli offering points, or travel sites like Travala giving customers crypto cashback, there are plenty of ways in which you can get crypto just by getting things you would normally get. And, better yet, they usually just need you to sign up and link your card to your account, so there’s no mining or staking or anything like that. As ever, though, make sure that you read the small print and check that you comply with any tax requirements for any coins or tokens earned via a crypto loyalty program.
Hold steady
Crypto investors who make money know when to get into a market and come out of it. However, one thing that can work in your favor is the simple act of buying and holding crypto. Now, this isn’t foolproof. Firstly, because nothing is foolproof and, secondly, because prices can go down as well as up. That said, there is a theory that, ultimately, this is the best way to make money with crypto, because it can involve a long-term strategy. You will, however, need to make sure that you do your own research, remember that prices can go down as well as up, and never invest more than you can afford to lose. It also helps to be patient, because you might not see a profit you want to take for quite some time. So just buying and holding can help you turn a crypto profit without having to study the technical intricacies of cryptocurrency.