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Larry and Tova Vickar and Jewish Heritage Centre recognize Siepman family for World War II rescue efforts

(l-r): Vickar Community Chevrolet service manager Ryan Siepman, Community Chev President Larry Vickar, and Ryan’s father, John Siepman, holding framed photos from Yad Vashem

By MYRON LOVE
If you are visiting the Asper Jewish Community Campus and you make a left turn at the Berney Theatre, you will come to the Freeman Family Foundation Holocaust Education Centre.

Just to the right of the entrance to the museum, you will find an area recognizing a number of very special men and women who risked their lives and those of their families to save Jews during the Shoah– 11 commemorative plaques – two of which commemorate Dutch immigrants to Winnipeg who helped to hide Dutch Jews during the Holocaust – and the other nine recognizing individuals from several countries in Eastern Europe.

Soon, there may be an additional name added to the list.
Alexander and Gisjbertha Siepman and their sons, Maarten and Christiaan, were vegetable growers in the village of Nootdorp in rural Holland. For three-and-a-half years, they hid the Jewish Bonevitz family in their home.
The Winnipeg connection is this: After the war, Maarten Siepman and his wife, Johanna, immigrated to southern Manitoba where Maarten continued to pursue market gardening.

On May 2, 1992, as reported in a story in this newspaper at the time, acting Israeli Consul General Oren David came to Winnipeg from Toronto to present the family with a Certificate of Honour and medal on behalf of Yad Vashem.
However, 1992 was a long time ago and the Siepman story of heroism – while still kept alive by Martin and Johanna’s children and grandchildren, was little known outside the extended family.

Now, thanks to the efforts of community leaders Larry and Tova Vickar, that story may become more widely known. The president of the Vickar Auto Group first became aware of the Siepman story in early November as Larry and Tova were preparing to travel to Israel for the official opening of the new Stephen J. Harper KKL-JNF Hula Valley Visitor and Education Center in the northern Galilee.
“I was talking to Ryan (Siepman – Vickar Community Chevrolet service manager) about our trip to Israel and he mentioned that his grandfather’s and great grandparents’ names are inscribed at Yad Vashem among the Righteous Among the Nations and told me their story for the first time,” Vickar recalls. “Ryan said that he would like to visit Yad Vashem himself one day and see where his grandfather’s and great grandparents’ names are inscribed at Yad Vashem.”

Vickar was so impressed by what he heard from Ryan that – on Thursday, December 12, he and Tova hosted Ryan, his parents John and Jane, his brother, Shawn, his sisters, Jennifer and Kristine and their families and Ryan’s aunt (and John’s sister) Wilma, during an evening at Rae and Jerry’s, where he presented Ryan and John with framed photos of the plaque at Yad Vashem, accompanied by photos of the trees that were planted in 1974 at Yad Vashem in memory of the Siepman Family.
“While Yad Vashem was not part of our itinerary, I made a point of going there to take pictures of the plaque,” Vickar said.

Thanking Larry and Tova on behalf of the Siepman Family, John Siepman recalled that for many years after the war, his dad spoke very little about the war years. “It was only after the Jewish community approached him in the early 1990s and honoured him as one of the Righteous Among the Nations that we learned about what he, his parents and his brother did during the war.”
John Siepman noted that his father was 19 when war broke out. “For Holland, the war was over in five days,” he said. “Our father wanted to do something to resist the Germans. His minister urged him to join the underground.”
In the previous report about the Siepman Family in the JPN in 1992, Martin Siepman (who passed away in 2007) had noted that the Dutch Resistance helped to hide close to 100,000 people – the Bonevitz family among them. “We didn’t know the family,” he was quoted as saying. “We had no previous connection with them. We only knew that they were Jewish and needed our help.
“We weren’t heroes. We just did what we felt we had to do.”

John Siepman picks up the narrative. “No one could know that our family was hiding a Jewish family. The Bonevitz family couldn’t leave the house during daylight hours. And, when Nazis did come by the house, my grandmother would ring a bell to warn the Bonevitz family to slip out of the house and hide among the beanstalks until the danger had passed.”
John Siepman added that his dad really appreciated a free trip to Israel – paid for by Harvey Sarner, a Jewish philanthropist from California – after the Yad Vashem recognition- as well as a subsequent trip to Washington, D.C.

Belle Jarniewski, the executive director of the Jewish Heritage Centre of Western Canada, notes that three-quarters of the Netherland’s Jews were murdered during the Shoah – the highest number of Jewish victims in Western Europe, and among the highest proportion in Europe overall. Many students who have been influenced by “The Diary of Anne Frank”, have imagined that this was the general narrative – of the Dutch hiding Jews. In actuality, that has become somewhat of a national myth. The truth is that the Nazis were able to count on the support of the Dutch Nazi Party, which had a membership of some 100,000. Dutch police assisted the Germans in rounding up Jews slated for deportation to Nazi extermination camps in Poland, and the national railway company transported Jews to these destinations.”

“I have often wondered what I would do in such a situation: Could I do the right thing to save the life of perfect strangers?” says Jarniewski, who is also a child of Holocaust survivors. “It is one thing to risk one’s own life, which I hope I would do, but it is another thing to find the courage to risk the lives of one’s children. That was the risk these wonderful men and women took”
“Individuals like Martin Siepman and his family and others like them are truly to be admired for the tremendous kindness and courage they showed in a time of utter darkness.”
It is written in the Talmud that whoever saves a life saves the world entire.”
“We hope to add the name of Martin Siepman and family to the list of those honoured as Righteous Among the Nations at the Freeman Family Foundation Holocaust Education Centre.”

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Features

Understanding the Differences Between the Three Roulette Classes

Roulette is one of those games that denotes the world of casinos most iconically with its spinning wheel and suspenseful moment when people wait for the ball to land on a number. Not all roulette, however, is the same. There are three classes of roulette: European, American, and French. They have rules and variations that somehow make them stand out and give extremely different gaming experiences. Let’s take a look at some of these differences and understand what makes each roulette class special.


The Classic Choice of the European Roulette
The typical character of European Roulette is the presence of a single zero, thus making it highly favorable among players due to a very low house advantage of 2.7% and, therefore, higher odds of winning. It offers a number of inside and outside bets that can suit different players’ appetites for risk. The reason the players like European Roulette is that it is easy to play, and the odds are quite even.
This game of roulette easily finds its place on most online websites in several variants, from differently themed games to different betting limits to accommodate any type of player. Be it a new starter or a seasoned gamer, European Roulette offers them all a slick and smooth experience with good graphics and interaction that they would want more of.


The Elegance and the Strategy of the French Roulette
French Roulette is often touted as the most sophisticated style of the game. It shares this with European Roulette, which also has a single zero wheel; however, the features are different, with the inclusion of various rules termed “La Partage” and “En Prison.” These rules create such a drastic reduction in the house edge down to as low as 1.35% on even-money bets that it affords the player a number of options for a gaming experience. French Roulette also boasts an assortment of table layouts and special bets that give the game a strategic edge, intriguing experienced players.
Spin Casino roulette games offer a sophisticated, classic European casino atmosphere in the version of French Roulette. The detailed tutorials and user-friendly interface mean that new players will take no time to learn the nuances of this great game, allowing everyone to enjoy the strategic depth of this variation.


The American Roulette, With High Stakes
Another successful variant is American Roulette, most especially in North American casinos. The key difference between American and European roulette lies in the addition of a double zero slot on the wheel. This adds to a 5.26% house edge, thereby giving it a moderate advantage over its European cousin. This also contains an extra layer of unpredictability and fun with the double zero and lures players who like higher stakes and a faster-moving pace of the game.
The realness of the experience means that American Roulette fans will get a true taste of Las Vegas-style casino action. From this brand, high-quality American Roulette games are available for players to try their luck with the double zero in immersive graphics and sound effects that bring the excitement of the casino right to your screen.
Try these roulette variations and enter a whole new world of casino gaming, where each spin holds a new chance at excitement and rewards. Be it for the first-timer or a seasoned player, roulette is a game in which the thrill keeps one sitting on the edge.

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Features

Auschwitz Tours from Warsaw: Preserving Memory, Honoring History

Auschwitz is one of the most powerful symbols of the Holocaust and its lessons are as current as ever. As the world prepares for International Holocaust Day the need to remember and educate becomes even more urgent.

At Auschwitz Tours from Warsaw, our mission is to help you connect with this dark chapter in history. We offer guided tours to Auschwitz-Birkenau from Warsaw and Krakow so you can visit the largest Nazi concentration and extermination camp where over a million innocent lives were taken.

Why Auschwitz Tours from Warsaw?

A visit to Auschwitz is an emotional experience and we want you to get the most out of it. Our guides will walk you through the historical context, tell you stories of those who suffered, resisted, and in some cases survived. With respect and sensitivity, we will share the history that can’t be forgotten.

We offer full day tours from both Warsaw and Krakow so you can visit Auschwitz whether you’re coming from Poland’s capital or its cultural hub. Our tours include comfortable round trip transportation so you can focus on the experience without worrying about the logistics.

Extra Educational Content

Apart from the day trips, Auschwitz Tours from Warsaw also provides a lot of educational content about Auschwitz and the Holocaust. Our website is a resource for learning with articles and materials about Auschwitz’s history, World War II, and the long-term impact of the Holocaust.

For those who can’t visit in person, these materials are a window into this dark period of human history so the lessons of the Holocaust are available to everyone.

Honoring the Past on International Holocaust Remembrance Day

International Holocaust Remembrance Day on January 27th is a global moment of remembrance. It’s a day to remember the 6 million Jews and millions of others murdered by the Nazis during World War II.

It’s not just about the victims of the Nazi regime but about learning from history so we never repeat the mistakes.

January 27th is the anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau in 1945, a day of unimaginable suffering but also of survival. The site itself is closed on this day for commemoration, but it’s a place of great importance for those who want to reflect on what happened here.

Although the gates are closed to visitors on January 26 and 27, it’s a day of personal reflection and remembrance for those who have passed away.

But on January 27th, a special area will be open for those who want to mark this solemn day on the grounds of the Memorial. This is a unique opportunity to reflect and remember in silence, on the very ground where so many lives were lost.

If you can’t visit Auschwitz today, International Holocaust Remembrance Day is still a chance to connect with the stories of survivors and victims. It’s a day to educate ourselves and others, not just about the past but about the present need to face hatred, intolerance, and anti-Semitism in all its forms.

If you’d like to learn more about our tours or explore our educational content, visit us at auschwitztoursfromwarsaw.com. Join us in remembering the past and keeping the message of “Never Again” alive.

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Features

The Hurdles Facing Egyptian Intellectuals

Saad Eddin Ibrahim - leading Egyptian intellectual who, like almost all Egyptian intellectuals, became "an apologist for authoritarian rule"

By HENRY SREBRNIK In the twentieth century, many middle-class Egyptians adopted a cosmopolitan cultural style. They wanted to move the country toward a more liberal and secular state. 

But they always came up against, and were unable to surmount, the strength of a very strong Islamic religious culture. In despair, some, despite their own preferences, ended up preferring autocracy to what they considered a backward and dangerous ideology.

In 1952, a revolution brought the Free Officers movement, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, to power. It seemed to have brought a secular quasi-socialist regime to power.

But the undercurrents of politicized religion, though banned by Nasser, did not disappear. The Muslim Brotherhood, which had been founded in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna and preached a fundamentalist Islamism guarded exclusively by the sharia, was outlawed. Its most prominent theoretician, Sayyid Ibrahim Qutb, was executed in 1966. 

But secular movements fell from favour following Egypt’s defeat by Israel in 1967, and the country was transformed into an autocracy following Nasser’s death three years later. From 1981 until 2011, Egypt was ruled with an iron hand by Hosni Mubarak, until popular unrest forced him to step down during the Arab Spring. 

Would this herald a new, democratic chapter in Egypt? Would free elections bring about a rebirth of secular politics? The answer was no.

Mubarak’s ouster cleared the way for the Muslim Brotherhood to participate openly in Egyptian politics, and to that end the group formed the Freedom and Justice Party. In April 2012 the party selected Mohamed Morsi to be its candidate in Egypt’s presidential election. Morsi defeated Ahmed Shafiq, a former prime minister under Mubarak, that June.

Morsi soon issued an edict declaring that his authority as president would not be subject to judicial oversight until a permanent constitution came into effect. Although he defended the edict as a necessary measure to protect Egypt’s transition to democracy, mass demonstrations were held against what many saw as a seizure of dictatorial powers.

Worsening economic conditions, deteriorating public services, and a string of sectarian incidents, including attacks on the country’s Coptic Christian minority, strengthened opposition to Morsi’s rule. Clashes between Morsi’s supporters and critics in late June 2013 culminated in massive anti-Morsi protests around the country. 

On July 3 the military under the head of the Egyptian Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, removed Morsi from power. A figurehead president, Adly Mansour, was installed, but it was clear that Sisi, who retained the title of defence minister, wielded power. 

Sisi claimed that the military had carried out the will of the Egyptian people, as expressed in the anti-Morsi protests, and that the Islamist-dominated administration led by Morsi had put the Muslim Brotherhood’s interests before those of the country.

A month later the Egyptian police and armed forces committed what Human Rights Watch deemed “one of the world’s largest killings of demonstrators in a single day in recent history.” 

Eleven years on, the murder of over 1,000 supporters of the deposed president, known as the Rabaa Massacre, has gone largely unpunished. The Muslim Brotherhood was formally outlawed that September and Morsi was jailed. Prison conditions were harsh, and he was denied adequate medical attention. He died in 2019. 

Sisi officially left the military to run for president and was elected in a clearly fraudulent manner in May 2014. He has been re-elected twice since, in March 2018 and again in December 2023, when he was reported to have won with 89.6 per cent of the vote after several opposition figures were prevented from participating. Under his reign, Egypt has degenerated into a police state even more repressive than the 30-year dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak.

Caught between the proverbial rock and a hard place, Egypt’s pro-democracy and civil society movements jettisoned their long-standing commitments to human rights and the rule of law and enthusiastically supported the return of military rule.

One of those civil society leaders, Saad Eddin Ibrahim, was among Egypt’s most influential intellectual figures. He had spent his career insisting that democracy is the solution both to political authoritarianism and to the allures of religious fundamentalism in the Arab world. 

Pushing back against the prevailing view that Islamist groups must be marginalized, he argued that they should be included in the democratic process. He even went so far as to advocate, in an article titled “Toward Muslim Democracies,” that “it will be better for us as democrats, for the Islamists, and for Egypt to enlist Islamists under the flag of democracy.” 

He encouraged Egyptians to support this vision and put aside common fears about Islamist movements and had been arrested for his views under Mubarak. Yet even he abruptly became an apologist for authoritarian rule.

The “problem” was that the bulk of the Egyptian masses were unwilling to part with their religious traditions or wholly consign them to the realm of the private. Put another way, if most Egyptians were given the choice between being liberal or being Muslim, they would overwhelmingly select the latter.

Faced with that reality, these intellectuals forged authoritarian alliances to forcibly impose their worldview on an otherwise unwilling populace. When Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood were in actual control of the state rather than at its fringes, the liberal secularists chose authoritarian rule. This is the same tragedy found in most of the Arab world.

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

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