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Behind the ADL’s effort to get beyond shouting statistics about antisemitism in America

Asaf Elia-Shalev reports from Los Angeles for JTA

When Matt Williams founded a research centre for the Anti-Defamation League in 2022, he vowed to “ruthlessly and systematically test” what the organization does. Antisemitism was on the rise, and he wanted the Center for Antisemitism Research to scientifically study what could work to stop it.

The creation of the centre, he believed, represented an admission that one of the world’s most prominent voices against antisemitism had been operating with little evidence.

“I would go a step further and say the ADL wants to be a serious nonprofit, measured on our social return on investment, but by a lot of measures, we’ve not been doing well,” Williams said in an interview, citing spiking antisemitism, rising extremism and the erosion of democratic norms around the world. 

The ADL established the new centre amid mounting pressure from funders and trustees, he added. “The level of tolerance for having no solutions is low right now,” Williams said. “Our Board of Trustees is very serious about ruthlessly holding us accountable to whether or not we’re solving the problems that we set out to solve.”

Here’s how the person recently elected as ADL’s board chair put it: “Flagging and monitoring and measuring antisemitism is important, but by itself will not reverse trends towards extremism, bias and radicalism in American or global society,” Nicole Mutchnik said in an email to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. 

Now, with a staff of nine and about 70 affiliated researchers at universities around the country, the research program overseen by Williams is starting to flex its scholarly might. It recently unveiled, for example, the first scientific study in decades that focuses on anti-Jewish discrimination in hiring.  

Previous studies by the centre showed that antisemitic attitudes are more strongly correlated with conspiratorial beliefs than any other factor. So, now, it has partnered with a team of university researchers to examine whether correcting misinformation can make a difference.

“We’ve found that we have a better shot at reducing antisemitism by teaching people how to deal with misinformation and disinformation than we have with much of the anti-bias work that we’ve done previously,” Williams said. “Thinking of antisemitism as a digital literacy problem as opposed to a civil rights problem is a big change for ADL.” 

Alarm about antisemitism in recent years has driven a doubling of donations to the ADL, topping $100 million in 2022, the most recent year for which complete data is available. It has also sparked the creation of dozens of new organizations and initiatives, including some that are directly critical of the ADL’s approach or are trying to fill perceived gaps.

Many, including Bari Weiss, author of How to Fight Antisemitism, prescribe embracing Judaism and Jewish pride. Others are looking to tech for solutions. At least one group focuses on naming and shaming alleged antisemites online. Author Dara Horn says the answer lies in deemphasizing the Holocaust and educating the public about living Jews and their culture. Jewish communal organizations have also poured millions of dollars into physical security measures at schools, synagogues and other Jewish institutions.

The Biden administration in 2023 published a plan featuring hundreds of detailed recommendations, many of which are modeled on ADL’s platform. The plan proposes, for example, streamlined hate crime reporting at all levels of law enforcement and more accommodation for Jewish religious observance in the workplace. 

On the right, the Heritage Foundation’s Project Esther proposes a government crackdown on anti-Israel groups once Donald Trump returns to the White House. 

Meanwhile, left-wing groups like Diaspora Alliance and Jews for Racial and Economic Justice say that effectively responding to antisemitism requires building solidarity with Palestinians and other groups they view as oppressed.

Even as viewpoints and tactics vary, there’s a consensus in the Jewish community that fighting antisemitism must mean more than sounding the alarm about the issue. As a result, the search for evidence-based solutions, grounded in social science research, is starting to gain traction. 

“We need to be moving more research resources into what’s working and what’s not working,” Holly Huffnagle, the U.S. director for combating antisemitism at the American Jewish Committee, said in an interview. “Many of us in the Jewish world are talking about this.”

Huffnagle said the AJC, considered a peer to the ADL in terms of size and legacy, doesn’t currently sponsor academic, peer-reviewed research, but that such a program could transform the work of her organization.  

“If we find that our interventions aren’t working we need to be comfortable and competent to move away from what we were doing in the past,” she said. “Do we have information about what’s actually changing hearts and minds?”

To help answer that question, a pair of political scientists specializing in a field they call “deep canvassing” are using a grant from the ADL to research what kinds of narratives about Jews, when presented to people, can be effective at reducing prejudice. The researchers, David Broockman from the University of California, Berkeley and Josh Kalla from Yale University, have previously demonstrated the effectiveness of the technique in the context of bias against transgender people. 

For their new study, the researchers made two-minute video clips featuring eight types of narratives about Jews and showed them over the internet to an audience of about 23,000 survey respondents. 

Watching all eight narrative types led to a drop in prejudice, but some had a much stronger effect than others. For example, bipartisanship—a video showing both Donald Trump and Joe Biden condemning antisemitism—proved more impactful than a video depicting a fictional Jewish character suffering, but far less impactful than a video that presented the suffering as the result of discrimination.

Another sign of the awakening underway is the spate of new university programs focused on the study of antisemitism. Gratz College, a Jewish institution for higher education in Philadelphia, now offers a master’s degree in the topic. New York University, the University of Michigan, and the University of Toronto have all made recent investments in the field of “antisemitism studies.”

Ayal Feinberg, a political scientist and the creator of the antisemitism master’s degree at Gratz, believes that many more such programs should have been in place long ago. What made the need suddenly apparent to many more people, he said, was the wave of anti-Israel protests and the spike in antisemitism in the United States after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel. 

“Post 10/7, many people in this space were caught with their pants down, and they’re rushing to invest in meaningful interventions that reduce antisemitism,” Feinberg said in an interview. “But those interventions don’t really exist because there hasn’t been a field that has been systematically devoted to developing them.”

As Feinberg, whose quantitative research is sponsored by the ADL’s new centre, builds out the field through a dedicated discipline, there’s also a crop of professors from established academic areas such as economics, political science, and sociology who are newly interested in studying antisemitism.

The number of scholars has sharply increased and so has their caliber, according to Williams.  He gave the example of Dean Karlan, a prominent economics professor at Northwestern University and former chief economist of the United States Agency for International Development. 

“That’s the quality of research we’re getting as a partner nowadays, which frankly, is not what it would have been five or 10 years ago,” Williams said. 

The ADL’s sponsorship of individual academics comes amid a contentious time for the group’s relationship with institutions of higher education. As college campuses have become the epicenter of the activist movement seeking to end U.S. military aid to Israel and cast Israeli actions in Gaza as a genocide, the ADL has assertively involved itself in hot-button debates about where to draw the line on free speech. The group says it wants to protect Jewish students from harassment and threatening behavior from pro-Palestinian protests. As part of that mission, it’s been adversarial with universities, accusing administrators of failing to stand up to antisemitism and putting out a contentious “report card” grading schools on their response to it.

But through Williams and his team, the organization has also been trying to better understand what exactly is happening on campuses and why the situation there seems worse than in other contexts. An ADL-sponsored study by a University of California, Irvine professor concluded that increased antisemitism on campus is found where there are fewer allies on campus—and not necessarily where there are more antisemites or where there’s a campus chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine.  

“There’s more tacit allowance for antisemitism in public because there are fewer bystanders who are willing or disposed to intervene,” Williams said. “The perceived social cost of it is much lower than elsewhere and that’s more predictive for us than the presence of an SJP on campus.”

Any perceived gaps between ADL’s messaging and its research findings can leave Williams’ program—and scholars it partners with—vulnerable to questioning and criticism. That’s partly the reason that many observers are viewing what he’s doing as daring and risky, even if they are supportive. 

“There is a risk of blurring the line between advocacy and scholarship in a moment in which institutional credibility is low and society is very polarized and everything politicized,” said James Loeffler, a historian and the director of the Jewish studies program at Johns Hopkins University. “And then the research won’t be accepted—it will be seen as advancing a political point of view.”

Williams’ own career as a scholar might have gone in a different direction if he weren’t convinced of the pressing danger of recent antisemitism. 

He completed his doctoral training as a behavioural social scientist at Stanford University in 2012, and after working on various research projects he ended up at the Orthodox Union. As the largest kosher certification agency in the world, the Orthodox Union generates millions of dollars in revenue, most of which is allocated to charitable causes. Williams crafted a data-driven research program to help the organization spend those funds more impactfully.

He had also long maintained an interest in the study of prejudice, which Williams traces in part to his uncommon family background: His paternal grandfather, a member of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, married a Sephardic Jewish woman from Morocco. 

In 2019 Williams, who grew up in an observant Jewish family in Atlanta and had always been aware of how his background set him apart, encountered data showing that Americans were becoming less tolerant of difference. Two recent events underscored this finding: neo-Nazis marching in Charlottesville, Virginia, followed by the deadly attack the following year on Jewish worshippers in Pittsburgh.

After each of those events, the ADL sprung into action, tapping its roster of experts to explain the outbursts of violent antisemitism to the public. But in private conversations Williams was having with the group, one of the world’s most prominent organizations fighting hate and extremism was coming to a realization that would have been awkward to publicly acknowledge: It didn’t understand antisemitism or how to combat it nearly well enough. A new paradigm was needed. 

“We were under-resourced when it came to actually thinking about antisemitism,” Williams said. “The ADL had sort of become more of a civil rights organization, and we started, especially after Charlottesville, realizing we need more resources on antisemitism. And the person who hired me was sort of like, ‘It’s bizarre that we don’t have this.’”

That person was Adam Neufeld, ADL’s chief operating officer, who “saw the need to develop new theories of change and test them empirically,” Williams said.

When the Center for Antisemitism Research was launched about two-and-half years ago, the name alone was enough to pique the attention of historians who study antisemitism and American Jewish history. In the initial decades after World War II, American Jewish groups, including the ADL, invested heavily in academic research into the sources of antisemitism. 

“There was a sense back then that social science would be able to improve people’s lives — that humanity could be perfected by applying scientific research models to social problems,” said Pamela Nadell, a historian at American University and the author of the forthcoming book, “Antisemitism, an American Tradition.”

With the help of grants from Jewish groups, social psychologists, sociologists, and other scholars investigated how antisemitism was connected to totalitarianism, religion and other forms of racial and ethnic stereotyping. It was an organized attempt to understand the psyche of antisemites. 

To that end, the ADL commissioned public opinion research hoping to understand the nature of bias—whether it was correlated, for example, to age or education. 

Historians don’t really know why or when exactly the investment in such research ended, in part because the ADL has not yet made its archives especially accessible to scholars, at least compared to groups like the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and B’nai B’rith International, which have either handed off materials to a library or created their own open repository, in some cases even digitizing large parts of their collections.

According to Williams, the ADL’s research program petered out by the 1980s because the threat of antisemitism was seen as declining. “Most people generally had positive attitudes about Jews, incident rates were—by most accounts—much lower, the clamouring for real, tangible solutions was less,” he said.

At the time in the United States, the older the average person, the more likely they were to have antisemitic attitudes. There was no stronger demographic correlation than that of age and antisemitism, and a 1992 ADL study noted “the steady influx of younger, more tolerant Americans into the adult population” as the main factor driving declining antisemitism since 1964. It almost seemed like the country was aging out of the problem.

By 2014, in Williams’ telling, the kind of intense antisemitism that was thought to belong to the past was rearing its head once again and, eventually, accelerating so much that the ADL needed to revisit its old strategy around social science research.

“I would say that the major distinction is that we’re working on interventions more than describing the phenomenon,” Williams said, comparing his generation to the researchers of the post-World War II boom. “But, also, you can’t really do one without the other. We do stand on their shoulders.”

In responding to a press inquiry from JTA, the head of the ADL rejected the idea that the ADL founded the Center for Antisemitism Research out of a new or reawakened commitment. 

“At ADL, we always have sought to ground our work in evidence and to shape our approaches based on research,” the group’s CEO, Jonathan Greenblatt, said in a written response to a series of questions. “We have been tracking antisemitism for decades, measuring attitudes and tracking incidents, and the insights gleaned from this work has helped to inform and shape policies and programs.”

But Greenblatt also acknowledged that recent events are forcing deep changes in the ADL. 

“Nothing will ever be the same after 10/7,” he said. “And so, at ADL, it forced us to step back, look in the mirror and ask hard questions about how we reached this point—and what we are going to do differently in response.”

He continued, “In all honesty, I think every Jewish organization should be undertaking this kind of process in light of 10/7. For ADL, that meant taking a beat and examining our policies, evaluating our programs, endeavouring to measure the efficacy of our activities, and making hard decisions based on what we learn. The Center for Antisemitism Research has helped us to do this.”

The ADL’s introspection over the past few years has come amid growing criticism that mainstream approaches to fighting antisemitism aren’t working. And attacks on the ADL have come from both the right and the left. 

The right has tended to blame the ADL for being too soft on the pro-Palestinian movement or for getting distracted from its core mission of defending Jews by progressive ideas about race and identity. 

The ADL has also been affected by a distrust washing over society of legacy institutions, especially ones perceived by the right as having a left-wing bias. Founded in 2018, an organization called StopAntisemitism has positioned itself as a grassroots alternative to the establishment. Diving head first into the chaotic fray of social media, the group quickly amassed followers whom it sicced on a flurry of targets it accused of anti-Jewish and anti-Israel behavior. 

In some regards, the mainstream has shifted to the right when it comes to fighting antisemitism. When Kenneth Marcus and the Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law began using aggressive legal tactics to fight antisemitism on college campuses years ago, many Jewish communal leaders rejected his efforts. Nowadays, they are far less likely to tell Marcus that his tactics are counterproductive or that he’s conflating criticism of Israel with antisemitism—instead, they are starting to partner with him on lawsuits. 

Meanwhile, on the left, the ADL is often accused of caring about antisemitism mostly insofar as it can be used as a weapon for its pro-Israel advocacy. Rooted in the concept of intersectionality, the left argues that all forms of oppression are intertwined and therefore must be resisted in tandem. One result of that thinking is a critical focus on a certain type of rhetoric from the ADL — for example, when Greenblatt morally equated anti-Zionist groups with white supremacists or when he seemed to liken the Palestinian keffiyeh to the Nazi swastika, though he later clarified that he doesn’t think the keffiyeh is a hate symbol. 

A group that exemplifies this critique is the Diaspora Alliance, which says that Jewish fears are being exploited for pro-Israel purposes at the expense of democratic norms protecting civil society and free speech. Emma Saltzberg, an activist with the group and a critic of the ADL, accuses Greenblatt of engaging in rhetoric that often undermines what she sees as the valuable expertise of the organization’s technical staff. She anticipates the same dynamic with the ADL’s new research agenda. 

“I think it’s possible for good things to come out of research funded by actors with questionable political agendas,” Saltzberg said in an interview. “At the same time, Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL’s spokesperson and leader, has demonstrated consistent disregard for the organization’s own in-house experts, so academics who associate themselves with the organization do risk damage to their reputation as serious researchers.”

Williams defended Greenblatt, rejecting the notion that his public statements served to undermine the organization’s technical work. Williams said he works with a range of researchers who don’t agree with the ADL on everything and that he doesn’t lose sleep over people whose opposition to the group is intractable. He also said, however, that given how challenging Greenblatt’s job is, there’s always room for the ADL to improve.

“There’s absolutely work that we could do to acknowledge — just to give you one example — the reality that there are a lot of people who take up anti-Israel positions out of a real humanitarian commitment and dedication,” Williams said. “Acknowledge it, and at the same time present the evidence that many people are being hurt in ways that single them out as Jews because of presumed support, let alone overt support, for Israel.”

Williams’ work at ADL has only just begun, but he’s already reached one profound conclusion in the fight against antisemitism. 

“The big takeaway,” he said, “is that we can actually reduce it.”

Ben Sales contributed reporting to this story. 

The post Behind the ADL’s effort to get beyond shouting statistics about antisemitism in America appeared first on The Canadian Jewish News.

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Rubio Says Direct US-Iran Nuclear Talks to Take Place on Saturday

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio attends a cabinet meeting at the White House in Washington, DC, US, April 10, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Nathan Howard

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Thursday the United States will hold direct talks with Iran this weekend to discuss Iran’s nuclear program.

The talks between US special envoy Steve Witkoff and a senior Iranian leader are scheduled for Saturday in Oman.

“We hope that’ll lead to peace. We’ve been very clear what Iran is never going to have a nuclear weapon, and I think that’s what led to this meeting,” Rubio said during a Cabinet meeting chaired by President Donald Trump.

Trump on Monday made a surprise announcement that the United States and Iran were poised to begin direct talks on Tehran’s nuclear program on Saturday, warning that Iran would be in “great danger” if the talks were unsuccessful.

The announcement caused some confusion because Iran had said the talks would be indirect with the Omanis acting as mediators.

A US official familiar with the planning said the two delegations would be in the same room for the talks.

Trump on Wednesday repeated his threat to use military force if Iran did not agree to end its nuclear program, saying Israel would play a key role in any military action.

Trump said Iran could not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon and if it declined to stop development efforts, military action could follow.

The post Rubio Says Direct US-Iran Nuclear Talks to Take Place on Saturday first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Rabbis Make Historic Trip to Ethiopia, Urge More Support for Country’s Impoverished Jewish Community

The mission of Struggle to Save Ethiopian Jewry (SSEJ) is to provide humanitarian assistance to Jewish communities in Ethiopia. Photo: SSEJ

For the first time in over 30 years, a delegation of rabbis traveled to Ethiopia with the Struggle to Save Ethiopian Jewry (SSEJ) aid group to support the nation’s beleaguered Jewish community, which continues to live in hardship as they await immigration to Israel.

Last month, a group of seven rabbis from the US and Israel visited Ethiopia on a three-day mission to meet 13,000 Jews living in Addis Ababa, the country’s capital, and in Gondar — a northwestern city home to Ethiopia’s largest Jewish population.

“This was a powerful, incredibly moving, out of the box experience,” Rabbi Elie Weinstock, from the Jewish Center of Atlantic Beach, told The Algemeiner.

“Witnessing their poverty and extreme living conditions was heartbreaking, but at the same time, their resilience was inspiring,” Weinstock continued, recounting his experience during the trip.

Jews have lived in Ethiopia for thousands of years, preserving their faith and traditions across generations. However, the vast majority of the community now lives in dire conditions, facing extreme poverty, food insecurity, limited access to medical care, and almost no access to education.

Most families survive on an average annual income of just $600 and live in overcrowded, single-room homes without plumbing. Many have lived as internally displaced refugees for over two decades, waiting to make aliyah — the process of Jews immigrating to Israel — and in many cases being reunited with their families in the Jewish state.

SSEJ is the primary provider of essential services for Jews in Ethiopia, including food, medical care, and education. Photo: SSEJ

“The American Jewish community should be strong enough to pay attention to this issue. We can’t ignore what’s right in front of us,” Weinstock told The Algemeiner. “It’s time for the Jewish community to step up and take action.”

SSEJ, a US-based NGO that is entirely volunteer-run, is the only provider of humanitarian aid to Jews in Ethiopia. The group provides vital support to the local community through feeding centers, medical care, education, and Jewish communal celebrations.

To mitigate some of the hunger devastating the Jewish community, SSEJ has supplied over 2.5 million meals annually, prioritizing young children and pregnant and nursing women. The organization also provided medical care to 4,000 Jews in Ethiopia and offered health insurance to all 13,000 Jews in Addis Ababa and Gondar. Additionally, 3,070 registered students received education in Hebrew, Jewish studies, and prayer.

“One of the most striking aspects of the visit was to see how central Israel is to their identity and religious practice,” Weinstock said, reflecting on his experience. “As different as their culture, place, and background may be, they are proud Jewish members, deeply committed to their faith.”

SSEJ provides education to 3,070 registered students. Children learned Hebrew, Jewish studies, and prayer. Photo: SSEJ

Founded in 2000, SSEJ and its leaders have helped approximately 55,000 Ethiopians immigrate to Israel, surpassing the total number brought during the historic Operation Moses and Operation Solomon in 1984 and 1991.

Between 2022 and 2023, Israel brought in 3,000 Ethiopian Jews, many of whom had been waiting to make aliyah for over 20 years. However, 13,000 Jews remain in the country, primarily in Addis Ababa and Gondar, living in desperate conditions.

Rabbi Reuven Tradburks, director of the Israel Office of the Rabbinical Council of America, said that despite witnessing “crushing, debilitating poverty” during the trip to Ethiopia, the local Jewish community’s “commitment to practicing Judaism and living their faith was deeply moving.”

“I was overwhelmed by the strong presence of Jewish religious expression, the religious schooling, and the community’s deep observance,” Tradburks told The Algemeiner. “The religious passion I saw was unlike anything I had experienced before.”

SSEJ opened a medical clinic in Gondar, Ethiopia to treat all Jewish children up to age 18 as well as the elderly for free. Photo: SSEJ

Since the Hamas-led massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, there has been no clarity on how many Ethiopian Jews will be brought to Jerusalem or when that will happen.

The Jewish community in Ethiopia was hit especially hard when Israel’s economy declined after the Hamas invasion of southern Israel, as many families who rely on remittances from relatives in the Jewish state suddenly stopped receiving support.

“If bringing them home isn’t immediately possible, then at the very least, we must keep them alive — we cannot let poverty kill them,” Tradburks said. “This is a humanitarian crisis that must be addressed.”

As an ongoing civil war and unprecedented inflation have severely disrupted the lives of Jews in Ethiopia, SSEJ’s efforts have become crucial in supporting those awaiting reunification with their families in Israel, and the organization is in urgent need of funding to continue its work.

SSEJ supports a range of communal activities, such as the largest Passover Seder in the world, which served over 4,500 people in Gondar, Ethiopia and over 1,000 people in Addis Ababa. Photo: SSEJ

“Despite these hardships and suffering, the community demonstrates incredible love, resilience, and inner strength, holding onto hope and dignity for the future,” Rabbi Leonard Matanky, from Congregation KINS of West Rogers Park in Chicago, told The Algemeiner.

“It seems almost impossible that they are accomplishing the impossible,” he said, recounting his experience during this trip.

Most of this community lives below the international poverty line of $2.15 per day, with chronic malnutrition widespread and little access to medical care or shelter. Over 70 percent have family members — including parents, spouses, children, or siblings — in Israel.

Matanky explained that there are various ways to support the community, such as financially, politically, and through advocacy, but raising awareness of their situation is one of the most important steps.

“We need to highlight the situation of Ethiopian Jews — this is a critical situation that has fallen off the radar,” he said.

The post Rabbis Make Historic Trip to Ethiopia, Urge More Support for Country’s Impoverished Jewish Community first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Felony Charges Filed Against Pro-Hamas Protesters Over Stanford University Break-In

Students listen to a speech at a protest encampment in support of Palestinians at Stanford University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, in Stanford, California US, April 26, 2024. Photo: Carlos Barria via Reuters Connect.

Twelve Stanford University students have been charged with felony vandalism and conspiracy to trespass for their role in the takeover of an administrative building during the final days of the 2023-2024 academic year, the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office announced on Thursday.

“Dissent is American. Vandalism is criminal,” District Attorney Jeff Rosen said in a statement. “There is a bright line between making a point and committing a crime. These defendants crossed the line into criminality when they broke into those offices, barricaded themselves inside, and started a calculated plan of destruction.”

As previously reported by The Algemeiner, on June 5, 2024, pro-Hamas activists associated with the campus group Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) raided then-president Richard Saller’s office, locking themselves inside using, the Stanford Daily reported at the time, “bike locks, chains, ladders, and chairs.” The incident was part of a larger pro-Hamas demonstration in which SJP demanded that the university adopt the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement, which seeks to isolate Israel from the international community as the first step to its eventual elimination.

Inside the building, the protesters proceeded to graffiti “kill cops” and “De@th 2 Is@hell” on school property.

“In addition to damage done inside the building, protesters committed extensive graffiti vandalism on the sandstone buildings and columns of the Main Quad this morning,” provost Jenny Martinez said following the incident. “This graffiti conveys vile and hateful sentiments that we condemn in the strongest terms. Whether the graffiti was created by members of the Stanford community or outsiders, we expect that the vast majority of our community joins us in rejecting this assault on our campus.”

The students — originally called the “Stanford Thirteen” to include the arrest of a Stanford Daily reporter who no longer faces criminal charges for being present during the alleged criminal conduct to cover it as a news story — face some of the toughest sanctions imposed on anti-Israel protesters who, beginning in April 2024, commandeered sections of their campuses across the US and refused to leave unless school administrators adopted the BDS movement. In addition to being criminally charged, eight of the 12 were suspended by the university for what was allegedly a premeditated operation.

“Multiple cell phones were recovered from the arrestees,” the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office said in a press release. “A review of the cell phone data resulted in detailed communication about the planning and commission of the conspiracy, including encrypted text-messages and links to detailed operational plans. The communication indicated the suspects met on multiple occasions, days in advance, to conspire to take over the building.”

Santa Clara County added that a “DO-IT-YOURSELF OCCUPATION GUIDE [sic]” containing seditious material was retrieved from the students’ cellphones as well. The guide said: “Vandalism? Occupying a space removes the space from the capitalist landscape. A group may decide it is better to destroy or vandalize a space than return it to its usual role in good condition. The role of vandalism may be different in each situation, but it should not be disowned outright.”

Stanford University itself faces a federal investigation, as it is one of 60 colleges and universities identified by the Trump administration as an institution that responded inadequately to antisemitic incidents that occurred on the campus.

Prior to the 2024 protests it was the site of a slew of antisemitic incidents. A swastika was etched into a metal panel of a bathroom, a student’s mezuzah was desecrated, and weeks before, a Jewish student found an image of Adolf Hitler and swastikas on their door. In other incidents, someone graffitied swastikas, the n-word, and “KKK” in a mens bathroom and a Stanford University student was photographed reading Hitler’s memoir. Responding to concerns that antisemitic sentiment at the university had reached crisis levels, Stanford created an advisory to task force composed of faculty and staff who proposed measures for improving Jewish life on campus and reducing antisemitism.

US Secretary of Education Linda McMahon’s March announcement of the college investigations indicate that Trump administration officials do not feel the school has done enough to address the problem.

“The department is deeply disappointed that Jewish students studying on elite US campuses continue to fear for their safety amid the relentless antisemitic eruptions that have severely disrupted campus life for more than a year,” McMahon said in a statement. “US colleges and universities benefit from enormous public investments funded by US taxpayers. That support is a privilege, and it is contingent on scrupulous adherence to federal antidiscrimination laws.”

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

The post Felony Charges Filed Against Pro-Hamas Protesters Over Stanford University Break-In first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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