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Scallion fights, soft matzo and other Passover traditions live on around the world
Indian Jews smear animal blood on their doors. Ethiopian Jews gorge on chickpeas. Iraqis dump wine after the meal. And matzo might be soft and squishy, depending on where in the world the recipe hails from.
Adapting Passover to the cultures and conditions of the places where they lived is a practice Jews have sustained for centuries around the globe. Today, even as many of these communities live far from their countries of origin, these regional traditions continue in the diaspora. Here are some of them.
India: Blood on the door, rice in the tandoor
On Passover in India, members of the Bene Israel community mark their doorposts with blood.
Traditionally, families slaughtered cows or goats and pressed bloody handprints onto their homes, echoing the biblical commandment in the Exodus story. While some Indian Jews continue that tradition, it has adapted over the 20th century. Today, a kosher butcher in Mumbai saves papers stained with the blood of animals he ritualistically slaughters and distributes them to community members so they can continue the tradition.
“It’s the commandment to put the blood on the door,” said Yael Jhirad, a Mumbai-based member of the Bene Israel community, who called the practice a “hallmark” of their tradition.
For Indian Jews, the food eaten during Passover looks entirely different than the usual fare, Jhirad said. Bene Israel Jews avoid dried spices, a staple of Indian cooking, out of concern that they may contain chametz, the leavened grain products forbidden during Passover, which can result from even small amounts of fermentation.
Rice flour is also central to Indian Passover traditions. Until the modern era of commercial food manufacturing, its preparation was labor-intensive: A month before the holiday, rice would be washed, dried in the sun and ground in mills used exclusively by the Jewish community to avoid contamination. Women gathered for weeks to prepare the milled rice, eventually turning it into flatbread. Before gas stoves, families even constructed clay tandoor ovens specifically for Passover.
Today, only about 3,500 Jews remain in India, most of them in Mumbai. Many now celebrate at communal Seders held at the city’s five active synagogues. “It becomes a great way to meet the community and be together,” Jhirad said.
Ethiopia and Yemen: A Passover time capsule
Because Jews in Ethiopia and Yemen were geographically isolated for centuries, many of their Passover traditions developed with little outside influence.
Ethiopian Jews, known as Beta Israel, practice a form of Judaism rooted primarily in the Torah, without later rabbinic additions. Because of this, they do not traditionally use a Haggadah to tell the story of the Israelites leaving Egypt. Instead, in Ethiopia, the Jewish community gathers outside the local synagogue on Passover to hear the story of the Exodus recited by religious leaders known as kesim. Today, Ethiopia is considered to be home to the largest Seder in the world, where 4,000 Jews congregate in Gondar, Ethiopia, to hear the Passover story told.
According to Brhan Leibman Worku, an Ethiopian Jew who lives with her family in Israel, preparation for the holiday in Ethiopia takes around three weeks. Many fast before the holiday and immerse themselves in water, often at a nearby river, to “enter the holiday with a sense of purity and intention,” and “become spiritually ready to receive freedom.”
Before the holiday begins, Worku said Ethiopian Jews consume a strict diet of chickpeas, which, in Ethiopian Jewish custom, were thought to purify the gut and digestive system.
Ethiopian Jews maintained the biblical tradition of animal sacrifice during Passover. But when many immigrated to Israel in the 1980s and encountered rabbinic Judaism, Worku said, Ethiopian Jews were shocked that other Jewish communities no longer practiced the custom. “They were like, we’ve been doing this for thousands of years,” she said.
Today, approximately 13,000 Jews remain in Ethiopia, with most having immigrated to Israel. Many of Israel’s 150,000 Ethiopian Jewish citizens purchase and share a cow or sheep between several families to eat during the holiday to commemorate that earlier practice.
Ethiopian matzo also differs from the crisp, cracker-like version familiar to many Jews and was instead baked fresh daily to maintain a soft texture. In Ethiopia, only post-menopausal women prepared it, a practice tied to concerns about ritual purity. That tradition is still kept by many Ethiopian Jewish women in the diaspora.
In Yemenite communities, too, matzo is soft, warm and flexible, resembling a laffa bread. It is traditionally mixed, shaped and baked in clay ovens, all in under 18 minutes to ensure kashrut. ”In Yemen, the community did not settle for pre-holiday baking; instead, they insisted on baking fresh matzo every single day of the festival,” said Shai Naggar, an expert on Yemenite Jewry. The Yemenite matzo is said to be most similar to what the Israelites might have eaten during their escape from Egypt.
Yemenite Jews do not use a formal Seder plate; instead, the entire table becomes one large display, with greens arranged around the edges and symbolic foods placed at the center. The Haggadah, which arrived in Yemen 350 years ago, is not read in turns but “recited in a loud, communal chant by all participants,” according to Naggar.
The only solo of the night comes when the youngest child recounts the story of Exodus in Judeo-Arabic: “Ma Khabar Hadha Al-Laylah” — “What is the story of this night?” It is often told through folk tales, one of which is “the story of an Egyptian elderly woman whose dough-made idol was eaten by a dog.” It is intended, said Naggar, to illustrate the futility of idols.
Iraq: an Seder in Arabic
While only three Jews remain in Iraq today, Iraqi Passover traditions continue in the diaspora — often in Arabic.
Iraqi Haggadot frequently include Hebrew text alongside translation and commentary in Judeo-Arabic. “In the old times, the women and children didn’t know Hebrew or Aramaic,” said Lily Shor, an Iraqi Jew. “So they translated it into Arabic for them to understand.” Several of the songs in an Iraqi seder are also sung in Iraqi Judeo-Arabic, an endangered language only spoken natively by 6,000 people in the world, including “Ha Lachma Anya” (“This is the bread of affliction”).
Unlike many Ashkenazi Seders, where fingers are dipped into wine and then back on plates to symbolize the plagues, Iraqi families pour the wine from one cup to another and then discard it outside the home — sometimes down the street — to ensure the plagues remain far away. Children are told to close their mouths during the recitation, and the food on the table is covered, all to ward off bad luck.
At the end of Passover, Iraqi Jews traditionally ventured out into wheat fields, placing the green stalks over their shoulders, eating them, and blessing one another with “santak khdhra” (a green year) to call in a prosperous year ahead. “I still remember the taste,” said Shor, who continues the tradition today with her family in Israel, using myrtle branches instead of wheat. Many diaspora families use leafy greens to continue the tradition as well.
Moroccan Jews go out with a bang
For Moroccan Jews — most of whom now live outside Morocco, especially in Israel — one of the most distinctive celebrations comes at the moment the holiday ends, known as Mimouna.
In Morocco, Muslims and Jews came together to close out the holiday together. Because Jews had no flour or other chametz ingredients in their homes as the holiday ended, Muslim neighbors would bring over chametz-filled ingredients for their Jewish neighbors to cook with. Joseph Pool, a Moroccan Jew, recalled his Rabat-born grandparents describing Muslim neighbors bringing over “fresh flour, fresh butter, fresh eggs, and the Jewish neighbors would make traditional pancakes and sweets. You would go from house to house, enjoying the food.”
Now in the diaspora, Moroccan Jews continue the Mimouna celebration by hosting parties to commemorate the holiday’s end. Traditional Moroccan dance music is played, and an anise-flavored Middle Eastern spirit called Arak is served along with an assortment of fried Moroccan treats. “Moufleta,” a yeasted pancake drenched in butter and honey, and “sfenj,” a Moroccan-style sugar-covered fritter, are classic Mimouna desserts.
The Persian seder gets physical
In Persian Jewish households, the Seder takes a physical turn.
During Dayenu, family members hit one another with bunches of scallions and herbs, symbolizing the whips used during slavery in Egypt. “All of the courtesy and politeness of Persian culture is washed away,” said Tannaz Sassooni, an Iranian Jew who lives in LA. “Grandkids go at their grandparents, parents get their aggressions out on their kids, cousins, aunties, everyone gets into it.”
The origins of the custom are unclear, though some suggest it may stem from the abundance of greens and herbs in Persian cuisine.
Many Persian Jews also refrain from eating dairy during Passover out of an abundance of caution that it may have been contaminated with chametz, since dairy products in Iran were often handled by non-Jews. At the end of the holiday, known as Shab-e Sal, families celebrate with a dairy-rich meal, including yogurt dishes and a cold rice porridge.
For Sassooni, the tradition remains deeply personal — a reminder that in the diaspora, Passover customs are preserved even when the conditions that shaped them no longer apply. When she once asked her mother why they continued avoiding dairy in the United States, where kosher dairy options are readily available, her mother became emotional. “Because that’s what my dad did,” she said, teary-eyed.
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Years after a boycott fight, Ben & Jerry’s Israel debuts a flavor celebrating Israeli resilience
(JTA) — Ben & Jerry’s Israel operation has come up with a flavor that does not leave much to interpretation. Called “Milk and Honey,” a nod to the biblical description of the Land of Israel, its namesake ingredients are supplied by Israeli cows and bees and its chocolate fudge pieces come shaped like Stars of David.
The company, which split from its American counterpart after a contentious 2021 boycott fight, is billing the new pint as its “most Israeli flavor ever” and, on its website, as a “symbol of hope, rehabilitation, and positive action” after the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attack.
Its ingredients and production come from southern Israeli communities most affected by the massacre and the war that followed. The company, based in the southern city of Kiryat Malachi, said it “felt a responsibility to take an active part in the region’s recovery process.”
The milk and cream come from the dairy in Kibbutz Alumim, one of the Gaza-border communities infiltrated by Hamas terrorists on Oct. 7, 2023. The honey comes from the beehives of Kibbutz Yad Mordechai. The chocolate Stars of David are made by hand at the Korint factory in Beersheba, part of the Shkulo Tov social enterprise, which helps integrate people with disabilities into the workforce.
Even the wrapper is local: the pint is adorned with “Fields of Light,” a painting by Rivi Doron-Gerloy, a southern Israeli artist who was killed in a Miami car accident last year.
The flavor was developed in partnership with the Ayalim Association, a nonprofit that works to strengthen Israel’s periphery. The company said royalties from sales of the new flavor will go to Ayalim’s rehabilitation and educational initiatives in the south.
The Israeli and American Ben & Jerry’s operations are now completely separate, a split that followed one of the more improbable diplomatic dramas ever to involve ice cream. In 2021, Ben & Jerry’s said it would stop selling in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, saying sales there were “inconsistent” with its values.
The move set off an uproar in Israel. President Isaac Herzog called the boycott a “new kind of terrorism,” while Benjamin Netanyahu, then opposition leader, retweeted the company’s announcement that it would stop selling in the “Occupied Palestinian Territories,” writing, “Now we Israelis know which ice cream NOT to buy,” alongside Israeli flag and flexed-bicep emojis.
The original founders, Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield, who no longer control the company but remain its best-known faces, also came under fire after the decision. In an interview, they were asked why the boycott logic did not extend to places such as Georgia and Texas, despite their opposition to those states’ voting rights and abortion laws.
“Why do you still sell ice cream in Georgia? Texas?” Axios reporter Alexi McCammond asked in a video that went viral on pro-Israel platforms.
Clearly stumped, Cohen shrugged his shoulders. “I don’t know,” he said, laughing. “You ask a really good question and I think I’d have to sit down and think about it for a bit.”
Unilever’s then-chief executive, Alan Jope, also appeared to suggest that Israel had become an inconveniently sticky scoop of activism. “There is plenty for Ben & Jerry’s to get their teeth into in their social justice mission without straying into geopolitics,” he reportedly said in a quarterly earnings review at the time.
The standoff ended, at least commercially, when Unilever, Ben & Jerry’s parent company, sold the Israeli business in 2022 to Avi Zinger, the longtime Israeli licensee and owner of American Quality Products. The sale was accompanied by a legal fight that was inflamed when Zinger told an Israeli news outlet that, once he took control of the company in Israel, he could rename the signature flavor “Chunky Monkey” to “Judea and Samaria,” the Hebrew term for the West Bank.
Under the ultimate deal, Ben & Jerry’s could continue to be sold throughout Israel and in Israeli settlements, under Hebrew and Arabic branding, while the Vermont-based company said it disagreed with the move and would no longer profit from Israeli sales.
The split left the Israeli operation in an unusual position: carrying one of the most recognizable American ice cream names, while openly defying the political stance associated with that name abroad.
But the corporate restructuring has not been enough to cleanse the palate for everyone. On social media, the new flavor drew curiosity and praise, but also lingering resentment from those who said the brand name still carried too much baggage, even under Israeli ownership.
“I really don’t care if it’s owned by someone other than Ben and Jerry in Israel. Those two clowns’ names are still associated with the brand. I wouldn’t spend a penny for this ice cream regardless. That brand is done,” one person wrote on Instagram.
“We’ve been eating Häagen-Dazs since October 7th,” another said.
Last year, Cohen announced that he planned to produce a “flavor for Palestine” independently after Unilever blocked Ben & Jerry’s from creating one, soliciting suggestions about what should accompany watermelon, a symbol of Palestinian solidarity, in his concoction.
“Milk and Honey” has come to market faster. So does the new flavor deliver a taste of the Holy Land?
One food influencer, who called the new flavor a “statement,” offered a less scriptural verdict on the taste, shrugging that it “tastes like vanilla with chocolate chips” — a conclusion echoed by others in Israeli food aficionado groups, who lamented that the honey was barely noticeable.
One commented, referring to dairy-free desserts made to comply with kosher laws prohibiting the mixing of milk and meat: “Not the tastiest thing I’ve ever eaten, but not as bad as a pareve dessert either.”
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Mamdani calls AIPAC ‘monsters’ in rally ahead of NY primaries
(JTA) — New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Thursday night accused the American Israel Public Affairs Committee of spending “millions in dark money” to ensure pro-Israel candidates win seats in tthe November midterms.
Mamdani made his remarks at a rally headlined by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) at Kings Theater in Brooklyn ahead of Tuesday’s Democratic primaries for progressive congressional candidates. He called on the crowd to help elect Jewish former New York City Comptroller Brad Lander, State Assembly member Claire Valdez and former Columbia encampment organizer Darializa Avila Chevalier.
In a fiery 30-minute speech, Mamdani took aim not just at AIPAC but also Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his handling of the war in Gaza. He claimed that “The monsters that we are up against, they take many different forms,” and then singled out AIPAC.
He described the major pro-Israel lobby as an organization “for whom the only thing more frightening than democracy being allowed to run its course is an end to genocide and Netanyahu’s wars.”
Mamdani continued by alleging that AIPAC moves “millions in dark money to accomplish a single goal, to preserve their power so that they can turn us against one another instead of our leaders turning towards the moral change we all know to be necessary.”
AIPAC did not respond to a request for comment about Mamdani’s remarks.
The lobby, whose endorsement was once heavily sought by politicians on both sides of the aisle, has increasingly come under fire for its campaign tactics. Pro-Israel Democrats are particularly struggling to hold onto seats as voters on the left increasingly turn against the Jewish state.
Sanders, for his part, doubled down on criticism of AIPAC when he took the stage. “The American people understand that a large part of our horrific foreign policy is impacted by AIPAC funding,” he said.
Turning to the local races, Mamdani voiced support for Valdez for her opposition to Israel. “When other Democrats chose to look the other way as Netanyahu committed war crimes, Claire didn’t just name the genocide,” he said. “She organized for a ceasefire.”
In a change of tone, Mamdani emphasized unity, including an appeal to Jewish voters.
“Whether you worship at shul, at a mosque, in a church, a gurdwara, a temple, or you don’t worship at all, we share a belief that our city deserves leaders who lead with hope and not fear,” the mayor said.
He added, “No matter where we live, how old we are, what train we take in the morning, or what bagel we order, we are New Yorkers and we want the same things,” including “a city that belongs to all of us.”
Reaction on social media was swift. One self-described mom from New York City posted on X of the rally and the Democratic Socialists of America there: “It’s pretty transparent and vile how Zohran Mamdani and the DSA are using ‘AIPAC’ as a euphemism for Jews, and how Brad Lander is going right along with it.”
Jewish writer Dovi Safier also criticized the comments, writing, “The mayor of the city with the world’s largest Jewish population is pushing conspiracy theories about ‘money men’ who ‘move millions in dark money’ to ‘turn us against one another’ — and calling them ‘monsters.’ Subtle.”
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Jewish groups push back against Trump’s Iran deal — but more quietly so far than in 2015
(JTA) — A growing number of Jewish groups are pushing back against the new memorandum of understanding brokered between President Donald Trump and Iran.
At least for now, however, their responses are more muted than when the same groups publicly opposed former President Barack Obama’s own Iran deal in 2015. And at least one major Jewish group that opposed Obama’s deal is backing Trump’s framework.
“Trust President Trump,” the Republican Jewish Coalition told its followers Thursday, becoming the most notable Jewish group to support Trump’s memorandum of understanding.
“President Trump has earned the trust of the Jewish community as he and his team work towards a final agreement,” RJC CEO Matt Brooks and chair Norm Coleman said in a statement. They praised the MOU, saying it “envisions a horizon of economic stability for the United States, the region, and the world,” and that it “provides an opportunity for potential new pathways to greater peace.”
The RJC cautioned that “a final deal must avoid the flaws that doomed Obama’s,” specifying that there should be “no sunset clauses” on Iran’s nuclear program and other proposals. In the days before its own statement, the group had been reposting praise of the MOU from other Trump allies, including Sen. Lindsey Graham.
Meanwhile, the American Jewish Committee and the pro-Israel lobbying giant AIPAC took a different tack. They became the largest Jewish organizations to voice concern with the new Iran deal on Thursday, issuing public objections following requests for comment from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
The MOU “raises significant questions,” AIPAC said in a lengthy statement that urged Congress to intervene ahead of “a final nuclear agreement,” claiming that the terms of the MOU don’t match “President Trump’s stated objectives for the war.”
The AJC outlined what it said were seven “concerns” it had with the MOU. Like most of the other Jewish groups that responded to JTA for this story, the AJC also expressed hope that the terms of the deal could be changed to be stricter on Iran and more favorable to Israel before it is finalized. (In 2015, in response to Obama’s Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the AJC said it “overwhelmingly” would “oppose this deal.”)
Trump’s MOU is not a final agreement, unlike Obama’s JCPOA. Rather, it marks the start of a 60-day negotiating period that aims to end the Iran war about to enter its fourth month. It does not yet outline any clear commitments regarding Iran’s nuclear program, which had been at the heart of the JCPOA and which is of particular concern to Jewish groups, who are roundly opposed to Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon in large part because of the risk to Israel. Many had objected to Obama’s deal in part because of its “sunset clauses” that would have phased out nuclear restrictions starting at the 10-year mark.
Regardless, many analysts across the political spectrum are concluding that Trump’s framework is a worse deal than Obama’s, in part because it provides a pathway for Iran to stage an economic recovery.
The Israeli government, which sent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to personally lobby Congress in 2015 to oppose Obama’s deal, is also strongly opposed to Trump’s — in part because it would require Israel to withdraw from fighting Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. A new poll by Israel’s Channel 12 found that 71% of Israelis don’t trust Trump to look out for their country’s interests in negotiations with Iran.
Hawkish pro-Israel think tanks, including the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and the Jewish Institute for National Security of America, issued papers knocking Trump’s deal.
“In some ways, the MOU is even weaker than President Barack Obama’s,” JINSA said. “This new deal authorizes the transfer of far more money and lifts many more sanctions on Iran than the JCPOA ever did.”
Trump and his top surrogates, including Vice President JD Vance, are increasingly signaling a lack of patience with Israel and a willingness to prioritize ending the war over stopping Iran’s nuclear program.
Some groups are waiting before weighing in. Nathan Diament, head of the Orthodox Union, declared Obama’s deal “not kosher” in 2015. On Thursday, he told JTA that the question of how to respond to Trump’s deal “will be a central topic of discussion” at the group’s leadership advocacy mission in Washington, D.C., taking place early next week. O.U. representatives are scheduled to meet with members of the Trump administration, as well as members of Congress.
JTA reached out Thursday to a wide range of Jewish groups that publicly opposed Obama’s Iran deal in 2015 to ask them their views on Trump’s. Many others, including the Anti-Defamation League and the Conservative movement’s Rabbinical Assembly, did not respond by press time.
Of those who did, only Morton Klein, head of the right-wing Zionist Organization of America, castigated the MOU outright. Klein told JTA he was “extremely upset with this deal” — and with Trump.
“I find this deal just astonishing,” Klein said. “Helping out a country that Trump himself said, if they’d gotten nukes, they’d have used them on Israel and killed millions of Jews? So that mentality, now you’re helping them rebuild?”
He added, “Trump has done many wonderful things for Israel, so we’ve praised Trump for that. But now he’s doing something very bad for Israel and America.”
Such level of forceful public opposition to the deal, though, is rare in Jewish circles at present — especially in contrast with the extent of Jewish mobilization against Obama’s deal in 2015.
Back then, in addition to the usual Jewish advocacy groups, dozens of local Jewish federations across the country pushed their communities and representatives to fight it, in a sweeping and sustained show of opposition.
“This Iran deal threatens the mission of our Federation as we exist to assure the continuity of the Jewish people, support a secure State of Israel, care for Jews in need here and abroad and mobilize on issues of concern,” one typical statement, from the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles, read at the time.
Three years later, during Trump’s first term, he tore up the JCPOA, calling it “a horrible one-sided deal that should have never, ever been made.”
The lack of similar opposition today for Trump’s deal, Klein said, was glaring: “Nobody is taking issue with this agreement in the Jewish world.”
Among local Jewish groups, the initial reaction to Trump’s MOU has struck a measured tone. The Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Washington, one of dozens of local Jewish communal groups that publicly opposed the 2015 JCPOA, told JTA it was “concerned” that Trump’s deal “has granted Iran a new leverage point to use in the future to inflict pain on the world’s economy.”
Ron Halber, the JCRC’s head, blasted the MOU for being crafted without Israel’s input, and for requiring Israel to withdraw from its offensive against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Similar to AIPAC, Halber said his organization would continue to push for “a final U.S.-Iran agreement” that is more favorable to Israel and takes harsher measures against Iran.
In its statement, the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia, which also opposed the JCPOA, did not directly weigh in on the new MOU. Instead, the federation said, “Any agreement involving the Iranian regime should be judged by its ability to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran,” among other factors.
JTA reached out to six other major Jewish federations that opposed the 2015 JCPOA, including Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston, which was the first federation to oppose that deal and whose leader wrote, in 2021, “We were right.”
CJP of Boston did not respond to a request for comment. The Jewish United Fund of Chicago declined to comment, while several other federations that opposed the JCPOA — including Los Angeles, Miami, Phoenix and Detroit — did not respond by press time.
In its own statement opposing the MOU, AIPAC did not outline an advocacy plan to combat it, in contrast to its full-court press against the JCPOA. An AIPAC spokesperson did not return a JTA request for comment on whether, or how, it planned to advocate against Trump’s MOU.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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