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Scallion fights, soft matzo and other Passover traditions live on around the world
Indian Jews smear animal blood on their doors. Ethiopian Jews gorge on chickpeas. Iraqis dump wine after the meal. And matzo might be soft and squishy, depending on where in the world the recipe hails from.
Adapting Passover to the cultures and conditions of the places where they lived is a practice Jews have sustained for centuries around the globe. Today, even as many of these communities live far from their countries of origin, these regional traditions continue in the diaspora. Here are some of them.
India: Blood on the door, rice in the tandoor
On Passover in India, members of the Bene Israel community mark their doorposts with blood.
Traditionally, families slaughtered cows or goats and pressed bloody handprints onto their homes, echoing the biblical commandment in the Exodus story. While some Indian Jews continue that tradition, it has adapted over the 20th century. Today, a kosher butcher in Mumbai saves papers stained with the blood of animals he ritualistically slaughters and distributes them to community members so they can continue the tradition.
“It’s the commandment to put the blood on the door,” said Yael Jhirad, a Mumbai-based member of the Bene Israel community, who called the practice a “hallmark” of their tradition.
For Indian Jews, the food eaten during Passover looks entirely different than the usual fare, Jhirad said. Bene Israel Jews avoid dried spices, a staple of Indian cooking, out of concern that they may contain chametz, the leavened grain products forbidden during Passover, which can result from even small amounts of fermentation.
Rice flour is also central to Indian Passover traditions. Until the modern era of commercial food manufacturing, its preparation was labor-intensive: A month before the holiday, rice would be washed, dried in the sun and ground in mills used exclusively by the Jewish community to avoid contamination. Women gathered for weeks to prepare the milled rice, eventually turning it into flatbread. Before gas stoves, families even constructed clay tandoor ovens specifically for Passover.
Today, only about 3,500 Jews remain in India, most of them in Mumbai. Many now celebrate at communal Seders held at the city’s five active synagogues. “It becomes a great way to meet the community and be together,” Jhirad said.
Ethiopia and Yemen: A Passover time capsule
Because Jews in Ethiopia and Yemen were geographically isolated for centuries, many of their Passover traditions developed with little outside influence.
Ethiopian Jews, known as Beta Israel, practice a form of Judaism rooted primarily in the Torah, without later rabbinic additions. Because of this, they do not traditionally use a Haggadah to tell the story of the Israelites leaving Egypt. Instead, in Ethiopia, the Jewish community gathers outside the local synagogue on Passover to hear the story of the Exodus recited by religious leaders known as kesim. Today, Ethiopia is considered to be home to the largest Seder in the world, where 4,000 Jews congregate in Gondar, Ethiopia, to hear the Passover story told.
According to Brhan Leibman Worku, an Ethiopian Jew who lives with her family in Israel, preparation for the holiday in Ethiopia takes around three weeks. Many fast before the holiday and immerse themselves in water, often at a nearby river, to “enter the holiday with a sense of purity and intention,” and “become spiritually ready to receive freedom.”
Before the holiday begins, Worku said Ethiopian Jews consume a strict diet of chickpeas, which, in Ethiopian Jewish custom, were thought to purify the gut and digestive system.
Ethiopian Jews maintained the biblical tradition of animal sacrifice during Passover. But when many immigrated to Israel in the 1980s and encountered rabbinic Judaism, Worku said, Ethiopian Jews were shocked that other Jewish communities no longer practiced the custom. “They were like, we’ve been doing this for thousands of years,” she said.
Today, approximately 13,000 Jews remain in Ethiopia, with most having immigrated to Israel. Many of Israel’s 150,000 Ethiopian Jewish citizens purchase and share a cow or sheep between several families to eat during the holiday to commemorate that earlier practice.
Ethiopian matzo also differs from the crisp, cracker-like version familiar to many Jews and was instead baked fresh daily to maintain a soft texture. In Ethiopia, only post-menopausal women prepared it, a practice tied to concerns about ritual purity. That tradition is still kept by many Ethiopian Jewish women in the diaspora.
In Yemenite communities, too, matzo is soft, warm and flexible, resembling a laffa bread. It is traditionally mixed, shaped and baked in clay ovens, all in under 18 minutes to ensure kashrut. ”In Yemen, the community did not settle for pre-holiday baking; instead, they insisted on baking fresh matzo every single day of the festival,” said Shai Naggar, an expert on Yemenite Jewry. The Yemenite matzo is said to be most similar to what the Israelites might have eaten during their escape from Egypt.
Yemenite Jews do not use a formal Seder plate; instead, the entire table becomes one large display, with greens arranged around the edges and symbolic foods placed at the center. The Haggadah, which arrived in Yemen 350 years ago, is not read in turns but “recited in a loud, communal chant by all participants,” according to Naggar.
The only solo of the night comes when the youngest child recounts the story of Exodus in Judeo-Arabic: “Ma Khabar Hadha Al-Laylah” — “What is the story of this night?” It is often told through folk tales, one of which is “the story of an Egyptian elderly woman whose dough-made idol was eaten by a dog.” It is intended, said Naggar, to illustrate the futility of idols.
Iraq: an Seder in Arabic
While only three Jews remain in Iraq today, Iraqi Passover traditions continue in the diaspora — often in Arabic.
Iraqi Haggadot frequently include Hebrew text alongside translation and commentary in Judeo-Arabic. “In the old times, the women and children didn’t know Hebrew or Aramaic,” said Lily Shor, an Iraqi Jew. “So they translated it into Arabic for them to understand.” Several of the songs in an Iraqi seder are also sung in Iraqi Judeo-Arabic, an endangered language only spoken natively by 6,000 people in the world, including “Ha Lachma Anya” (“This is the bread of affliction”).
Unlike many Ashkenazi Seders, where fingers are dipped into wine and then back on plates to symbolize the plagues, Iraqi families pour the wine from one cup to another and then discard it outside the home — sometimes down the street — to ensure the plagues remain far away. Children are told to close their mouths during the recitation, and the food on the table is covered, all to ward off bad luck.
At the end of Passover, Iraqi Jews traditionally ventured out into wheat fields, placing the green stalks over their shoulders, eating them, and blessing one another with “santak khdhra” (a green year) to call in a prosperous year ahead. “I still remember the taste,” said Shor, who continues the tradition today with her family in Israel, using myrtle branches instead of wheat. Many diaspora families use leafy greens to continue the tradition as well.
Moroccan Jews go out with a bang
For Moroccan Jews — most of whom now live outside Morocco, especially in Israel — one of the most distinctive celebrations comes at the moment the holiday ends, known as Mimouna.
In Morocco, Muslims and Jews came together to close out the holiday together. Because Jews had no flour or other chametz ingredients in their homes as the holiday ended, Muslim neighbors would bring over chametz-filled ingredients for their Jewish neighbors to cook with. Joseph Pool, a Moroccan Jew, recalled his Rabat-born grandparents describing Muslim neighbors bringing over “fresh flour, fresh butter, fresh eggs, and the Jewish neighbors would make traditional pancakes and sweets. You would go from house to house, enjoying the food.”
Now in the diaspora, Moroccan Jews continue the Mimouna celebration by hosting parties to commemorate the holiday’s end. Traditional Moroccan dance music is played, and an anise-flavored Middle Eastern spirit called Arak is served along with an assortment of fried Moroccan treats. “Moufleta,” a yeasted pancake drenched in butter and honey, and “sfenj,” a Moroccan-style sugar-covered fritter, are classic Mimouna desserts.
The Persian seder gets physical
In Persian Jewish households, the Seder takes a physical turn.
During Dayenu, family members hit one another with bunches of scallions and herbs, symbolizing the whips used during slavery in Egypt. “All of the courtesy and politeness of Persian culture is washed away,” said Tannaz Sassooni, an Iranian Jew who lives in LA. “Grandkids go at their grandparents, parents get their aggressions out on their kids, cousins, aunties, everyone gets into it.”
The origins of the custom are unclear, though some suggest it may stem from the abundance of greens and herbs in Persian cuisine.
Many Persian Jews also refrain from eating dairy during Passover out of an abundance of caution that it may have been contaminated with chametz, since dairy products in Iran were often handled by non-Jews. At the end of the holiday, known as Shab-e Sal, families celebrate with a dairy-rich meal, including yogurt dishes and a cold rice porridge.
For Sassooni, the tradition remains deeply personal — a reminder that in the diaspora, Passover customs are preserved even when the conditions that shaped them no longer apply. When she once asked her mother why they continued avoiding dairy in the United States, where kosher dairy options are readily available, her mother became emotional. “Because that’s what my dad did,” she said, teary-eyed.
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House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries calls for ‘dramatic change’ in Israel policy
(JTA) — U.S. House of Representatives Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, a New York Democrat poised to become the chamber’s speaker in January, called for a significant shift in the U.S.-Israel relationship but stopped short of opposing defense partnerships.
“The status quo is unacceptable, and we need dramatic change,” Jeffries told reporters at a Thursday press conference.
Jeffries expressed a need for such change with respect to the West Bank, to Gaza and to a memorandum of understanding with Israel over military aid set to expire in 2028. That agreement, signed by the Obama administration in 2016, pledged $38 billion in military aid for Israel from fiscal years 2019 through 2028.
President Donald Trump has said he will wind the aid down before it is set to lapse, citing Israel’s unpopularity, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also backs ending military aid and replacing it by strengthening U.S.-Israel military cooperation.
But when asked about recent demands from Sen. Chris Van Hollen to remove provisions on defense collaborations with Israel from the National Defense Authorization Act – the model of what Netanyahu hopes to sustain – Jeffries responded that he hadn’t spoken with the senator. Van Hollen, a Democrat from Maryland, plans to challenge Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer leadership of the Senate Democratic caucus when Democrats take over the chamber in January.
Instead, Jeffries said that “things have to dramatically change over in the Middle East,” without elaborating on the details of such changes. He stressed the importance of ensuring “a safe and secure Israel living side by side as a Jewish and democratic state with an independent Palestinian state that provides dignity and self-determination for the Palestinian people.” Netanyahu and much of the Israeli public oppose the establishment of a Palestinian state.
While Jeffries noted that he wasn’t saying anything he hasn’t “previously said publicly,” his decision to reiterate this need for change following the election as Democrats are set to seize control of Congress demonstrates how the party is adopting a more critical posture on Israel.
This past summer, Jeffries wrote to colleagues urging them to reject an amendment proposed by Rep. Thomas Massie, a Republican from Kentucky, that would have cut military aid to Israel. While a slight majority of Democrats voted in favor of the measure, it was defeated after getting no Republican support aside from its sponsor.
Jeffries had argued at the time that “there are more decisive ways to achieve the urgent change necessary when it comes to the far-right Netanyahu government,” warning that Massie’s amendment would have restricted Israel’s ability to confront Hamas, Hezbollah and other terror groups.
Nonetheless, Jeffries also noted in the letter that the Obama-era memorandum of understanding “expires imminently,” and that “a meaningful change in direction is needed.” Writing that Israel has a robust economy and is capable of paying for its own weapons, he said that future security arrangements “should be structured consistently with defense agreements that exist with our other Western allies.”
Since writing that letter in July in the lead-up to the midterm elections, Jeffries focused primarily on domestic issues and didn’t often address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. On Thursday, however, the topic was back on the table.
“We’ll work as a caucus to make sure that we can bring about the just and lasting peace that Israelis and Palestinians deserve,” Jeffries said.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Ahmed Moor, John Fetterman’s first challenger, envisions ‘Palestine-Israel, from the river to the sea’
(JTA) — When Ahmed Moor started his freshman year at the University of Pennsylvania in 2002, he remembers navigating an atmosphere of Islamophobia around the one-year anniversary of Sept. 11.
He recounted how as he was exiting a derelict math building known for what Moor described as its “dungeon-like” interior, he overheard a kippa-clad student commenting on the grossness of the neighborhood, noting that “it’s not like Ramallah or anything.”
“It was a tough environment,” Moor said, recalling that during a campus protest in 2003 against the Iraq war, he was met with “Go home, terrorist” and other such slogans. “You kind of build a muscle around that early on.”
More than two decades later, the 42-year-old Palestinian American writer is now Pennsylvania’s first candidate to announce a 2028 bid for Democrat John Fetterman’s U.S. Senate seat – running on a platform of dignity, equal rights and affordability.
Though still two years away, this high-stakes race could change how much support Israel gets from the Democratic Party. Fetterman, who hasn’t declared if he will run again, has irked many fellow Democrats by joining Republicans on certain issues, particularly in defending Israel, but has also maintained a powerful voice in a caucus that has held just 47 seats for the past two years. But that influence may soon dissipate, with the Democratic caucus poised to have at least 55 out of 100 seats when Congress convenes in January.
Regardless of whether Fetterman chooses to run, for Moor – a Democratic Socialists of America member from Philadelphia – to secure the seat would require a dramatic shift in voter trends across purplish Pennsylvania.
Moor enters the playing field with radically different stances on Israel and foreign policy from those that Fetterman has espoused. Moor’s priorities include stopping the funding of wars and trimming the military’s budget in general, as well as many domestic issues that Fetterman has historically supported, such as universal healthcare and childcare and affordable housing.
“The DSA presents a really good opportunity for the Democratic Party to re-energize, reinvent itself,” Moor said, describing the DSA as “a blood transfusion.”
An avowed anti-Zionist, Moor wants economic sanctions against Israel and to hold the country’s leaders accountable for what he alleges are war crimes. Ultimately, he said he hopes to see the development of one “Palestine-Israel” state that has equal rights for all — a dream that he said is rooted in American principles of emancipation.
Born in Gaza, Moor moved to Philadelphia as a child and went on to earn degrees from both Penn and Harvard, and started a career in finance. He then switched to journalism, reporting in Beirut and Egypt for The Guardian and other outlets, and co-editing the book “After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine.” He also spent many years in Jordan, where he launched a peer-to-peer lending organization, before returning to Philadelphia in 2021.
Looking back at his years as a college student, Moor recalled experiencing some “ambivalence about being an American, the promise of life, liberty, pursuit of happiness, the equality before the law,” particularly while he felt like people viewed him as an outsider.
But he said that things began to look up when he joined the Free Palestine Action Network, a fledgling campus group that existed before Students for Justice in Palestine.
Turning to the situation in the Middle East today, Moor said he still has family members in Gaza, as well as some in the West Bank. Many of his relatives in Gaza, he added, were killed during the war.
He noted that his aunt “was diagnosed with cancer and died a very painful death shortly after that because the hospital itself was destroyed.”
In the future, Moor said he would envision “all of Palestine-Israel, from the river to the sea” as one state with equal rights for “Jews, Palestinians, Druze” and everyone else, including “all of the East Asians who work there, who built lives there.” Lebanese areas currently under Israeli military occupation would go back to Lebanon, while the Golan Heights, captured by Israel in 1967, would go back to Syria, he added.
The leaders of this hypothetical state, according to Moor, would need “to represent everyone who lives under its authority,” with the Knesset legislating laws, the military serving all the people and Palestinians earning a right of return.
Moor compared the current phase of this conflict to mile 15 of a marathon: “Every footfall from here to the finish, 11 more miles, is painful.” Crossing the finish line, he argued, will require “the emancipation of the Palestinians, the right-sizing of our understanding of equal rights, where Jews don’t have superior rights in that country.”
Whether Moor’s Middle East positions will resonate with Pennsylvania voters when they choose their next senator in 2028 remains uncertain.
“If we look at the surveys leading up to the election, that issue didn’t come up a great deal,” Berwood Yost, a public policy expert at Franklin & Marshall College, told JTA. “It was the concerns about personal finances and economics and affordability that were largely driving voters.”
Daniel Hopkins, a political science professor at the University of Pennsylvania, told JTA that although the conflict is “highly evocative and emotive,” his polls have shown that “relatively few voters rank it as an important issue,” except in deep blue Philadelphia.
Yet even if the conflict doesn’t have a direct influence on most voters, Hopkins said that its divisiveness helps candidates distinguish themselves from rivals. For example, he continued, a stance on this subject can often serve as a shortcut to other views.
“The issue partly functions as a within-party issue that helps certain Democrats differentiate themselves from other Democrats,” he added.
For Moor, the idea of maintaining the status quo, which he described as preserving alliances just “to shore Israeli apartheid” would be inconsistent with American ideals.
He rejected the notion of a possible path forward with Gadi Eisenkot, the leader of Israel’s opposition bloc, who recently received a mandate to form a government to replace Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ruling coalition.
“Jewish Israelis are confronted with a difficult frame now,” Moor said. “They don’t have any credible leaders who aren’t also implicated in genocide or massive war crimes.”
Asked if he considered Hamas militants to be war criminals, he responded that “everybody who’s committed a war crime is a war criminal.” But he argued that naming Hamas as such would be irrelevant, as the Israeli military had already killed most Hamas combatants, including former leader Yahya Sinwar.
Fetterman was still posting on X this week about “disarming Hamas,” noting that “this vote and voice will always follow our special ally.” Fetterman’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
Moor characterized the senator as “in the rearview mirror for Democrats,” adding that “Fetterman’s story is finished.”
Hopkins, from Penn, disagreed with that conclusion, pointing out that “no one knows whether Fetterman will seek reelection,” and that if he does so, it’s also unclear “whether he will do that as a Democrat.” Hopkins acknowledged, however, that the senator’s vote would be less powerful when it comes to legislating because of the decisive Democratic majority.
As for other possible candidates, Hopkins is looking at potential contenders such as U.S. Rep. Chris Deluzio, who represents southwestern Pennsylvania residents in Beaver and Allegheny counties, including some Pittsburgh suburbs. He also named Conor Lamb, an attorney who served in Congress from 2018 to 2023.
Yost, from Franklin & Marshall, cited these names as well, while noting that “Fetterman has alienated a number of people in his party.”
“There’s been increasing dissatisfaction among his base, including people who voted for him,” added Yost, who directs the college’s Center for Opinion Research and its Floyd Institute for Public Policy.
But Yost also stressed that “running in a state like Pennsylvania for an office like the U.S. Senate is a significant undertaking” that requires large amounts of travel, networking and fundraising.
“Starting now is not a bad idea,” he said. “Two years will be here before you know it.”
Although voters might not be “dialed in” to the 2028 elections for a while, Penn’s Hopkins added that “now is the period of time when candidates are beginning to jockey.”
“One strategy by declaring early might be to try to tell other contenders who would be in your lane, ‘Hey, I’m in this lane,’” Hopkins said.
As for the chances of a Democratic socialist in a swing state like Pennsylvania, Hopkins didn’t rule Moor out but said that “any such individual would have an uphill climb.”
Another Democratic socialist who Moor said he finds inspiring, Chris Rabb, recently won a U.S. House seat in Pennsylvania, but he did so in a heavily Democratic district of Philadelphia, Hopkins noted.
“Pennsylvania has not often nominated candidates who are on the extremes of their party,” he said.
But Yost also acknowledged that “these days, people want to see non-politicians running,” so Moor’s novice status would not necessarily create a barrier to his success.
Despite his relative inexperience, Moor said he is reaching for the Senate seat due to his passion for foreign policy. He said he has concrete ideas for optimizing the military, by deflating a “bloated weapons program,” focusing more on drones and then reinvesting in both jobs programs and climate resilience initiatives.
Recognizing the mammoth expense that running in a state like Pennsylvania involves, Moor said that his fundraising efforts have started out strong, with a lot of “small-dollar” contributions, including from many Jewish donors.
Asked if he had a message for Jewish voters, Moor said that he would convey that “we’re Americans first” and that he believes “in the dignity agenda for all Americans.”
“Poverty is indifferent about whether you’re Jewish or Palestinian, Black, white, whatever,” he said.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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What Muhammad Ali taught me from his Jerusalem hotel
The one time I got to talk to Muhammad Ali was a summer evening when I was working at one of my favorite college internships — in the McClurg Court newsroom of WBBM Newsradio 78, the Chicago affiliate of CBS Radio.
The scene came to mind earlier this week when I released a new audio documentary called Broken Hologram about Ali and his brief stint as a Broadway star. But back then, I was one of a quartet of interns who included a cool girl from Hyde Park named Gwen Billings with whom I occasionally took lunch at a nearby hot dog stand and discussed important news figures like, say, Depeche Mode and The Smiths. There was also Linda, a hard-nosed news reporter in the mold of Holly Hunter in Broadcast News. Sometimes she came around to my cubicle and took sips of my Dr. Pepper. Not in a flirtatious way, more in a proto-Daniel Day-Lewis “I drink your milkshake” kind of way. There was a fratty guy named Scott who wore a class ring from (redacted). He went on to a lucrative career, just not in journalism. There was one other dude; he was from Crown Point, Indiana, but that’s just about all I remember.
My job consisted of answering phones, ripping wire copy from the AP and UPI machines, getting sources on the phone and calling every major fire and police station every night to see if there was a story to be reported (“Hi, Sergeant Kupka, it’s Adam from WBBM: Do you have anything working in your area?”).
Even though every sergeant told me the same thing every night, I kept calling because that’s what journalists do: You keep making the calls. In fact, I did pretty much whatever was asked of me, and turned feisty only when one of the few asshole reporters tried to get me to run downstairs to the loading area to fetch him a “Green Streak” edition of the Tribune so he could check on his stocks or intimated that my job description should include making him coffee.
“Sure could do with a cup o’ coffee right now, Adam.”
“Cool, why don’t you make yourself one?”
Note: The individual referred to is decidedly not John Cody, a truly great man who remains a friend to this day. (Fun fact: During Vietnam, John worked for Stars & Stripes alongside Seth Lipsky, founder of the English language edition of the Forward)
Nor am I referring to sports reporter Rich King, a prince of a man who always offered to get people sandwiches from the White Hen Pantry (“Anyone need anything from ‘The Hen?’”).
Sometimes, when the news day got super-slow — for example, when Notre Dame football coach Lou Holtz was in the studio doing a live call-in show — I passed the time by trying to guess the usually ridiculously easy passwords for the WBBM staff’s new computers and snooping in the reporters’ early version of email in a futile effort to find anything interesting. Apologies to the late Dale McCarren (DMC123).
I was working the evening shift when the top news story was about Father Lawrence Martin Jenco, a Catholic priest from Joliet, Illinois, who had been taken hostage in Beirut while he was working for a relief agency. Muhammad Ali was part of a delegation that had flown to the Middle East to try to arrange his release.
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My supervisor was a terrific guy named Duane Gray, an African-American Conservative who was big on conspiracy theories (“You should read this book. It’s called The Terror Network.”). He was a great manager and colleague who made sure that we kept to the schedule and that traffic, weather, sports and news headlines always came right when they were supposed to. On this particular night, Duane gave me a mission: “Get ‘The Champ’ on the phone.”
“Uh, how do I do that, Duane?”
“Call every hotel,” he said.
He scrawled a list of hotels in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem on a legal pad and I started calling Information to get their numbers. Advantage of working for a CBS affiliate: You got to make all the long-distance calls you wanted.
How many calls did I make? What were the names of all the hotels? I have no idea. But I do remember that one of them was the King David Hotel in Jerusalem because this time, when I asked to be transferred to Ali’s room, no one said, “Sorry, no one here by that name.”
Ali picked up. His voice had that raspy quality it got after he retired from boxing. “Hullo?”
“Hi, I’m calling from Newsradio 78. I was hoping one of our anchors could speak with you.”
“You’re calling from Chicago?” he asked.
“Yeah.”
“Man,” Ali told me, sounding weary but amiable. “It sounds like you’re calling from right next door.”
Duane could be a wise-ass and a cynic, but now he was star-struck. He sprang to his feet. “Is that the Champ?”
I nodded.
Duane grabbed the phone. “How’re you doin, Champ? You’re gonna be on with Dale McCarren. I’m gonna patch you through, Champ.” He gave me a hearty high-five.
Some time later — perhaps after a week, perhaps after two — when Madonna was in town for some concert, movie junket or photo shoot and Duane told me he wanted to get her on the air, I knew exactly what to do.
After I got her on the phone at her hotel and transferred the call to Duane, he shouted: “This kid,” he said, complimenting both me and his own managerial talent, “has the best news instincts of anyone in this newsroom!”
“Hello, Madonna?” Duane said into the phone. “You’re gonna be on with Dale; let me patch you through.”
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