Features
Former Winnipegger Mira Sucharov bares her soul in new memoir
Reviewed by BERNIE BELLAN
There’s something strangely compelling about reading the memoir of a talented individual who has decided to lay it all out for total strangers to discover some of her innermost secrets.
A few years back I reviewed a memoir by Henriette Ivanans, who happens to now be living in Winnipeg (married to Kevin McIntyre, about whom we have written many times in this paper). In her memoir, titled “In Pillness and in Health: A memoir” Henriette revealed her long and arduous struggle with addiction to a panoply of different types of medications. She was so searing in her self-criticism that it was almost painful reading her amazing story of survival against all odds.
Now, in a different way, well known academic and commentator Mira Sucharov discusses her own long-held emotional struggles, first triggered by the divorce of her parents when she was five, in her memoir, titled “Borders and Belonging: A Memoir”.
I have to admit that I have only a passing acquaintance with Mira’s career – which might help me to be more objective in discussing her memoir. I hadn’t ever read anything else she has ever written – which would probably come as a surprise to her, since I am well aware that she is a prolific writer with a reputation as a Middle East expert.
It’s not that I’ve shied away from reading anything by Mira Sucharov – it’s just that I’ve never enjoyed reading academic articles about the Middle East, even though I myself have a background in Political Studies – as she does. Ever since I finished university – which was ages ago, I’ve preferred to distance myself from anything that’s footnoted.
But “Borders and Belonging” is no academic treatise. Mira Sucharov is a talented writer who certainly knows how to tell a story; in this case the story is one of anxiety and elation as she forged a deeply held love for Israel from a very young age. Yet, as much as her interest in Israel has been a central focus of her life, her determination to view Israel in as objective a manner as possible has taken its toll.
Her opening chapter relates a story that reveals the extent to which she’s been ostracized by a very good portion of the Canadian Jewish community for daring to question Israel’s behaviour vis-à-vis the Palestinians. During her career as an academic, for which she’s received multiple awards (not that she discusses any of those in her book; any Google search will readily disclose how well respected Mira is as a professor and a commentator), she’s received scorn from both the right and the left for daring to attempt to be even handed in her assessment of Israel and the Palestinians.
No doubt what many members of the Winnipeg Jewish community will find particularly interesting though are Mira’s recollections of growing up here, where she attended Jewish day schools and, more significantly for readers of this paper, where she attended a summer camp that had a Labour Zionist orientation (which, interestingly, she never refers to by its name: Camp Massad).
For anyone who’s attended Camp Massad, reading Mira’s reminiscences about camp life would be reason enough to want to read the book, as her descriptions of that camp are as well drawn as one could find anywhere in reading about a summer camp.
But, it’s in Mira’s painful discussion of the traumas she’s endured in her life – which is not really all that long yet, since she must either just be 50 or close to it, based on certain references she makes that she provides some of the most jarring passages. I’ve already referenced her parents’ divorce which, as she describes it, occurred without any rancor between her parents and was as civil a breakup as one could hope to have. For Mira, however, it was a life-shattering experience and reading about how that break-up still reverberate with her offers a salutary lesson in how a marital break-up, no matter how well behaved the parents may be toward one another at the time of the break-up, can be so devastating for children all through their lives.
One other chapter that hits home like a ton of bricks is when Mira recounts reading a newspaper article about skin moles and takes a more careful look at a mole on her arm. Lucky for Mira, her mother didn’t procrastinate for one moment and, as it turned out, the mole was cancerous and likely would have led to an early death had it not been caught in time.
Later, Mira discusses allergies she has developed to certain foods and her frequent bouts with overwhelming anxiety. When she describes the often extremely stressful situations which she doesn’t avoid as an academic who is not afraid to take unpopular stands, it’s easy to understand the psychological toll that the career path she’s taken has had on her.
The memoir is not written in chronological fashion; it flits back and forth between episodes that occurred at various times in Mira’s life. Of all her experiences, however, in addition to her love of Camp Massad, it is the many times that Mira has visited and lived in Israel about which she writes most evocatively.
Her first visit to Israel was in 1983 with her bobe, Marian Margolis. That visit led to such a deep affection for Israel that Mira was motivated to return over and over again where, at various times, she was a student, a resident of a kibbutz (also while she was a student), and an academic.
And although a search of her online biography reveals that Mira received her MA from the University of Toronto and her PhD from Georgetown, in her memoir she writes only about her time spent at McGill, from where she obtained her BA. She admits that she was drawn to McGill because that was the school her father attended and she wanted to emulate his experience as much as possible. While her mother is also referred to in very loving terms, it is Mira’s relationship with her father that resonates throughout this memoir.
Another episode though that will probably upset more traditional readers is when Mira describes her love affair with an Arab student at McGill. While she is hardly graphic in her description, she is certainly far more candid in what she writes than anything she has to say about her husband who, for all intents and purposes, comes across as a nice Jewish boy who would certainly meet with the approval of most bobes.
Toward the end of the book Mira summarizes the conflicting forces that have shaped her life in a paragraph that both offers a glimpse of the emotional currents that are still swirling within her, it also gives you an idea just how gifted she is as a wordsmith:
“Panic. It’s like being a child of divorce all over again as I try to pull the pieces together: safety and danger, reality and fear, swinging between houses with different carpets, between marriages and separations, between my real home and my dad’s home and the home-away-from-home that is summer camp, between the reality of the present and my nostalgia for the past, between Israel as a lived reality and my image of the place, between political poles, between parts of my community and between my community and that of others—as I try to locate a single, coherent, authentic narrative that is safe and secure and true.”
It’s not always easy reading a memoir where the author dissects her life in such an open and candid manner, and I’m not sure how many of the individuals whose paths have crossed Mira’s would be aware of the emotional angst which is so pervasive throughout this book, but it takes a very brave individual to have written such an open and, at times, quite raw, recounting of a life.
“Borders and Belonging: A Memoir”
By Mira Sucharov
Published by Palgrave Macmillan, September 2020
Features
A Half Century of Calumny at the UN
By HENRY SREBRNIK For the past half-century, the United Nations’ Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP) has worked to delegitimize the State of Israel by amplifying Palestinian efforts to depict the Jewish state as a “colonial” and “apartheid” regime. The Palestinians are the only people to have such a dedicated propaganda organ inside the United Nations, while Israel is the only UN member state to face such attacks.
The Committee is the child of that notorious day, November 10, 1975, when the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, equating Zionism with “racism.” The General Assembly also passed Resolution 3376, which created CEIRPP. In subsequent years, further resolutions expanded CEIRPP and provided it with greater resources. A UN report from 2024 shows that financial resources dedicated to servicing CEIRPP specifically stand at $3.1 million per year.
The language of Resolution 3379 encapsulated the antisemitic themes of Soviet and Arab propaganda. In his address to the General Assembly opposing Resolution 3379, Israel’s then-UN ambassador, Chaim Herzog, remarked that the draft was being debated on the 37th anniversary of the Nazi pogrom known as Kristallnacht, adding that Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler would have welcomed the proceedings.
While that resolution was ultimately rescinded in 1991, CEIRPP continued to carry out its work, promoting the ideas at the heart of the Zionism-is-racism resolution, with its call for “the elimination of colonialism and neo-colonialism, foreign occupation, zionism, apartheid and racial discrimination in all its forms.”
Within two years of the committee’s creation, its work and mission became further entrenched within the internal UN bureaucracy. On December 2, 1977, the General Assembly passed Resolution 32/40 (B), authorizing the creation of a “Special Unit on Palestinian Rights,” which would serve the committee by “preparing studies and publications” devoted to both Palestinian rights and the United Nations’ own efforts in that regard. This included the announcement of the annual observance of November 29, the anniversary of the United Nations General Assembly 1947 passage of Resolution 181 to partition Palestine, as the “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.”
The “Special Unit” created through Resolution 32/40 (B) grew into an entire Division for Palestinian Rights (DPR) in 1979, housed within what is now known as the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. The DPR’s current role includes planning and servicing the committee’s various meetings in New York and internationally, maintaining an online database known as the United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine.
The CEIRPP is presently composed of 25 member states and 24 observers, the vast majority non-democratic countries in the Global South. Of these, 23 are Muslim countries. Observers include the League of Arab States and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.
The committee works in five areas: promoting Palestinian self-determination, advocating for an “immediate end” to Israel’s control of territories conquered during the 1967 war, mobilizing international support, liaising with UN bodies on the Palestinian question, and working with civil society organizations and parliamentarians to advance the Palestinian cause. While the committee does not directly impact the foreign policy of member states, it influences policy discussions and provides anti-Zionist NGOs with access to UN diplomats, staff, and financial resources.
In addition to the CEIRPP, there are several other UN bodies solely dedicated to the Palestinian cause. Created to provide humanitarian aid to Palestinians displaced by the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), a billion-dollar agency with 30,000 employees, expanded its roster from an initial 750,000 to 5.9 million by embracing a uniquely expansive definition of refugees. It is the only refugee agency dedicated to one particular group. All others come under the aegis of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Israel estimates that as 25 per cent of UNRWA employees belong to terrorist organizations. Some were found to have not only supported but directly participated in the October 7 Hamas attacks.
The position of the Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories was launched by a resolution in 1993, and its occupant reports on the human rights situation in the territories. In July 2025, the United States announced sanctions against the present rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, accusing her of having “spewed unabashed antisemitism.” Albanese’s activities are supported by staff from the UN human rights office, at an estimated cost of $500,000 a year.
Launched in 1968, the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices has produced annual 70-page reports, with legal analysis and recommendations on Israel’s alleged violations, summaries of Palestinian testimonies, and collections of statistics. Composed of Malaysia, Senegal, and Sri Lanka, and staffed out of the UN human rights office, the Special Committee also conducts regular field missions, including to Amman, Cairo, and Damascus. It has a mandate to investigate only alleged Israeli abuses. Its reports include unsubstantiated allegations, such as claims that Israeli excavations undermine the structural foundations of the Al-Aqsa Mosque on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount.
Also since 1968, the World Health Organization (WHO) has maintained an agenda item dedicated to scrutinizing Israel’s health record at the annual meetings of the World Health Assembly, its decision-making body. Israel is the only state to face such an agenda item.
In 2024, the UN General Assembly adopted 164 resolutions on Israel and 84 on all other countries combined. From 2006 through 2024, the UN Human Rights Council adopted 108 resolutions against Israel, 44 against Syria, 15 against Iran, eight against Russia, and three against Venezuela.
Meanwhile, the anti-Israel machine goes on without pause. Yet another UN commission of inquiry on Israel, headed by Navi Pillay, on Oct. 28 presented a report accusing the Jewish state of genocide. This body was initiated by the Arab and Islamic states at a special session that they convened at the UN Human Rights Council in wake of the May 2021 Hamas-Israel war. It was tasked with examining the “root causes” of the conflict, including Israel’s alleged “systematic discrimination” based on race. Instead of the usual one-year term for such inquiries, the investigation of Israel was made perpetual — it has no end date.
So while most people focus on the attacks on Israel launched regularly both in the UN General Assembly and Security Council, behind the scenes an entire bureaucracy is engaged in slandering and defaming the world’s only Jewish state. This relentless campaign takes its toll and serves to continually paint Israel as a uniquely malevolent nation worthy of elimination. We have seen the fruits of these labours since October 7, 2023.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.
Features
Streaming-only households are growing in Canada
More and more Canadians are cutting the cord and relying exclusively on internet-delivered video. Fresh industry data indicates streaming-only homes are approaching three in then households, while the share with no cable or satellite subscription hit roughly 46% in 2024, clear signs of a decisive shift toward SVOD and free ad-supported streaming.
Cord-cutting crosses a new threshold
The long-running trickle of cord-cutting has become a stream. Convergence Research’s latest “Couch Potato” outlook estimates that 46% of Canadian households had no cable, satellite or telco TV subscription in 2024, up four percent from 2023, with the figure projected to rise further in the next few years. Trade coverage of the same report underscores the trend: OTT revenues rose an estimated 15% in 2024 as traditional TV subscriptions continued falling. While individual timelines differ by source, the trend is the same: legacy TV is shrinking fast as Canadians rebuild their viewing stacks around apps.
At the same time, streaming is not only near-universal but increasingly standalone. Media in Canada reported “nearly three in 10” households are streaming-only, relying on online sources instead of cable bundles. It’s a trend we’ve seen in other fields as well, such as casino games, where people are more interested in the online alternatives instead of landbased sites. Thus, digitalization is not a TV-thing only, but a general trend in the country. Young adult Canadians are even more onboard on this trend, accelerating the generational hand-off from channel guides to connected-TV home screens.
Regulatory and market signals reinforce the shift as well. In June 2024, the CRTC required large online streaming services to contribute 5% of their Canadian revenues to support local news and domestic content. Major platforms challenged certain aspects of the framework, but the new contributions regime, according to reports, should add roughly C$200 million annually to the ecosystem.
What’s driving streaming-only growth
Three intertwined forces explain why this change keeps advancing. First come value and flexibility: with household budgets under pressure, Canadians are more selective about which services they keep year-round. MTM’s 2024/2025 read shows people are “streamlining” their subscriptions, maintaining one or two anchors and rotating others around tent-pole releases, while filling gaps with free ad-supported TV and platform freebies.
Technology and habit formation have an important role as well. The app grid on a smart TV has replaced the channel guide for many households; game consoles and streaming sticks have made it trivial to jump between different streaming apps. Once viewers get used to on-demand navigation, reverting to fixed-time channels feels limiting, especially for younger audiences that were born with immediacy and personalization.
Content economics are nudging straggles online too. Rights for premium series and more live sports are flowing to digital, thanks to options like NBA Pass, F1 TV Pro, and others. As subscription TV revenues are declining, broadcasters and distributors are experimenting with slimmer linear tiers, hybrid bundles that pair broadband with streamer discounts, and ad-supported options that meet price-sensitive households where they are. The result is a feedback loop: as more content and better prices accrue to streaming, more households find they no longer need traditional TV packages at all.
Features
Exploring how to earn money in Tongits Go and GZone Tongits: Rewards and Myths
Tongits stands out as one of the most iconic card games in the Philippines, fusing fun, excitement, strategy, and social interaction. Spanning generations, this traditional game has remained a staple during family gatherings and leisure moments, bringing people together with its engaging mechanics. The emergence of mobile platforms such as Tongits Go elevated the experience further, offering Filipino players the opportunity to enjoy the thrill of the game anywhere and anytime. Alongside this advancement, however, a recurring question floods online forums: “Can I and how to earn money in Tongits Go? ”
Understanding the answer requires separating myths from facts surrounding Tongits Go, as well as examining alternatives like GZone Tongits, which brings competitive gameplay and tangible rewards into the picture.
Tongits Go: Digital Entertainment Rooted in In-Game Progress and Rewards
The appeal of Tongits Go lies in its seamless ability to deliver the essence of the traditional card game in a digital format. Widely accessible on mobile devices, the app continues to attract thousands of players seeking entertainment and lighthearted competition. However, misinformation about its ability to provide real monetary benefits stirs confusion, with claims linking how to earn money in Tongits Go to GCash as a source of cash withdrawals.
Myth: Real Money Withdrawals Are a Tongits Go Feature
Tongits Go is designed purely as an entertainment-centric platform. It operates as a digital space for online casino rather than an e-wallet or online casino. While players can earn in-app rewards such as Gold and Gostars, these hold value only within the game environment. Gold is primarily used for joining tables, competing in tournaments, and unlocking gameplay options. Gostars, meanwhile, are accumulated through completing daily missions or participating in special events. Occasionally, Gostars may be redeemed for prepaid loads or promotional digital vouchers, but these opportunities are infrequent and offer minimal monetary value.
Contrary to false claims about Tongits Go online acting as a money-making platform, there is no system in place for converting virtual winnings to genuine cash. The promotion of such statements often stems from unofficial or unreliable sources, heightening the need for player vigilance in protecting their personal information against scams.
Fact: In-Game Achievements Enhance the Fun Factor
How to earn real money in Tongits Go account rewards players through engaging in-game challenges that foster personal growth and development without monetary stakes. Tools such as the Battle Pass system, tournament leaderboards, achievement rewards, and daily missions help players track their progress and compete against others for prizes such as additional Gold and Gostars.
This approach motivates participants to focus on enhancing their gameplay skills and sharpening their strategies, contributing to a vibrant community atmosphere built on friendly competition.
Promoting Safe Play and Caution
How to earn real money in Tongits Go emphasizes ethical and responsible practices by encouraging players to moderate their time spent on the app. The developers position the game as a platform for relaxation and recreation rather than profit generation, warning users to remain alert against external claims promising “real cash withdrawals.” Ensuring safe and responsible play remains a cornerstone of Tongits Go’s philosophy.
GZone Tongits: Navigating Competitive Gameplay with Genuine Rewards
For players seeking higher stakes, GZone Tongits stands out as a viable alternative. Unlike Tongits Go, which functions purely as an entertainment platform, GZone Tongits combines skill-based gameplay with tangible rewards. As a PAGCOR-licensed platform adhering to Philippine online casino regulations, GZone guarantees fair competition, transparency, and a safe player experience.
Real-Time PVP Competitions
Unlike casual apps, GZone Tongits incorporates Player vs. Player (PVP) matchups where individuals compete against other real players rather than AI opponents. This format introduces a dynamic and unpredictable element to each round while maintaining familiar mechanics rooted in traditional Tongits online gameplay.
Several variations of how to play Tongits are offered through GameZone Tongits, catering to diverse player preferences. Tongits Plus sticks closely to the original Filipino rules, preserving cultural authenticity. Tongits Joker introduces Joker cards, adding new layers of challenge and strategy. Tongits Quick, on the other hand, is a streamlined, fast-paced version suited for shorter play sessions. With flexible table levels ranging from Newbie to Master, the platform accommodates players of all skill levels, fostering an inclusive environment.
Legal Regulation and Verified Rewards
Game Zone Tongits sets itself apart through its legal framework, which guarantees its credibility across game transactions. As a PAGCOR-certified online casino platform, it abides by strict regulatory guidelines, ensuring fairness, transparency, and security for every player involved in competitions. Key events, such as the prestigious ₱10,000,000 GameZone Tablegame Champions Cup (GTCC)—the Philippines’ first Tongits e-sports championship—offer significant rewards to top-performing individuals, elevating the competitiveness of the game.
Unlike Tongits Go, GZone Tongits creates earning opportunities that are verified and legitimate. The presence of regulated payout systems ensures real-value rewards for players, making competition profitable without compromising integrity.
Smart Reward Structures and Responsibility in GameZone casino
GameZone Tongits supports an ecosystem that rewards players strategically while promoting responsible practices. Features such as daily and weekly rebates return percentages of wagers to players, creating avenues to continually reinvest and optimize their play experience.
VIP levels unlock better rewards and exclusive access to high-stakes tables for loyal players, while regular tournaments and leaderboard placements recognize skill and consistency, offering tangible prizes and acknowledgment. Tools for establishing spending limits and setting playtime boundaries enable players to engage responsibly, reinforcing GameZone’s commitment to moderation and sustainability.
Exploring Tongits Platforms Based on Player Preferences
Tongits Go provides a welcoming space for casual gamers seeking entertainment, social connections, and lighthearted play. Its focus on digital rewards, such as prepaid loads and promotional incentives, keeps gameplay enjoyable without monetary pressure. Those who prioritize relaxation and shared laughs often gravitate toward Tongits Go as the ideal choice for convenient online casino experiences.
Meanwhile, GameZone online Tongits appeals to competitive enthusiasts ready to immerse themselves in tournaments offering real-world prizes. Its elevated gameplay merges professional standards with Filipino tradition, providing guaranteed payouts alongside thrilling matchups. GameZone Tongits delivers a regulated environment perfect for individuals looking to combine play skills with tangible rewards.
Preserving Filipino Tongits Culture Through Modern Play
The allure of Tongits transcends generations, blending strategy and camaraderie to create an experience steeped in Filipino tradition. Digital platforms such as Tongits Go and GameZone slot adapt this beloved pastime to modern online casino preferences, catering to players from varied backgrounds and interests. Whether pursuing casual engagement or competitive achievements, the game retains its heart through its ability to build connections and challenge players to think intelligently.