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Street fights over prayer offer liberal Israelis a chance to define a Judaism they can believe in
(JTA) — Israeli, observant Jews living in the United States, and especially here on the West Coast, are aware of the time difference between them and Israel at the beginnings and endings of holidays. While Israel celebrates — or commemorates — meaningful days, I’m behind, still preparing. So unlike my family and friends in Israel who observe Yom Kippur and found out only after their sundown what transpired on Monday in Tel Aviv, I read reports and watched videos of the clash between secular and religious Jews in Dizengoff Square as it unfolded.
Feeling both devastated by the ruining of Yom Kippur prayers and angry at the provocation and manipulation by those who organized the Tel Aviv services, I entered Judaism’s holiest day with a heavy heart and teary eyes.
And yet, in the days since, I also found some reason for hope that this painful moment was a watershed in Israel’s path, in which secular Israeli liberals may claim Judaism on their own terms, despite a religious establishment that sees Orthodoxy as its only legitimate expression.
In brief, Rosh Yehudi (translated “Jewish head”), an organization whose goal is to spread Orthodox Judaism in secular Israel, received approval from the Tel Aviv municipality to conduct Yom Kippur services in Dizengoff Square. These services have been taking place since the early days of the pandemic, and many people — observant and secular alike — attend them. This year the municipality approved the services so long as they would not include a mechitza, a physical divider separating men and women, a decision that the courts supported. The context of the city’s decision was the ongoing assault by the government and its followers (in the name of religion) on the core values of Israeli liberals — specifically gender equality.
Rosh Yehudi declared it would abide by this condition and many people who just wanted to pray came to its services. Yet right after Yom Kippur started, religious activists — supported by the police on site — created a makeshift divider out of Israeli flags. In response, secular protesters, many of them affiliated with the mass movement to protest the government’s efforts to weaken Israel’s judiciary, interrupted the services by whistling, chanting “Shame!” and removing the makeshift divider, ultimately stopping the services. Similar protests of public Orthodox Yom Kippur services took place at other sites throughout Tel Aviv and other predominantly secular cities within Israel.
For decades, Yom Kippur in Israel has been a unique day. Despite a lack of laws regulating the day, no cars are seen on the roads. Praying, biking, walking and talking, observant and secular Jews mix in the streets and synagogues across Israel. But the events of the last nine months in Israel destroyed that fragile harmony.
Israel is once again caught in a war of narratives. Is it a story of Orthodox activists defying the court’s decision and intentionally causing provocation, forcing gender segregation in the bastion of Israeli secularism? Or is it a story about how Israeli liberals, protesters and the left hate religion and religious Jews?
Setting aside the blame game, the events of Yom Kippur raise two sets of questions for Israel’s future. The first is the nature of the Israeli public square as it relates to Israel’s Jewish character. What should be the boundaries of tolerance to illiberal practices such as gender separation when they are a part of a religious practice? Was the city right to limit the traditional form of Orthodox prayer due to the public nature of the space? Were the protesters wrong in not respecting this tradition? Should attempts at the religionization of the public sphere and political climate be ignored or taken into consideration?
The more profound question — and the one that is much harder to answer — revolves around the nature of Judaism itself. Who claims what in the name of Judaism will have lasting repercussions for the future of Israel long after the particulars of this year’s Yom Kippur are forgotten? And to that end, I want to suggest that a possible change is afoot in how secular Israeli liberals see Judaism.
For decades, Israel has been caught in a social dichotomy: right-wingers are seen as conservative and religious or traditional, whereas left-wingers are seen as liberal and secular. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu embraced this dichotomy as early as 1997 when he claimed that the Israeli left “had forgotten what it means to be Jewish.” He doubled down on this view at the end of Yom Kippur this year when he stated, “The leftists had rioted against Jews.”
This dichotomy is also promoted by the Israeli left. About a week ago, former Meretz leader Zehava Galon shared the following post on X: “The problem with Israeli society is the assumption that there is wisdom in Judaism even though it is a manifest of Orthodox Jewish men who weren’t particularly smart. It’s time for us to realize that … their cart is full of inciting and dangerous nonsense, and it’s time we left it on the side of the road.” Galon represents the view of many in the Israeli liberal camp today who say they are ready to abandon Judaism, which they equate with Orthodoxy interpreted in the most extreme way.
Indeed, for decades haredi and Religious Zionist rabbis and politicians in Israel have sought to dictate only one option for Judaism: an uncompromising religious Orthodoxy. This conception profoundly contradicts the values of Israeli liberals, and therefore many like Galon say they reject Judaism in any form. But in doing this, Israeli liberals also allow the most extreme elements within Israeli Judaism to deepen their grip and shape Judaism as they see fit.
As a result, secular Israeli liberals reduce themselves to a marginalized minority within Israeli society, the majority of whose members seek a connection to tradition and Judaism and distance themselves from values that run counter to it. Surveys show that only a minority of the general Israeli public supports the protesters’ actions on Yom Kippur, regardless of the motivations or provocations of the services’ organizers. If faced with an either/or choice between a discriminatory version of Judaism and universalist liberalism, the Israeli majority will choose the former.
For a long time, only a minority of Israelis actively worked against this dichotomy. Liberal Religious Zionist, Conservative and Reform Jews, as well as Jewish Renewal activists, mostly stood alone in trying to create and defend a liberal Israeli Judaism. But in the aftermath of Yom Kippur, this might be changing.
Opposition leader Yair Lapid shared on X that his neighbor didn’t fast on Yom Kippur for the first time in 30 years to spite the other camp. His response was telling: “You lost. You gave them ownership of your Judaism.” He went on to offer the following observation:
We don’t have anything to prove. And we don’t need anyone’s approval that we are good Jews. We have our own version, no less whole. The version that says that we chose to live in this country because we have roots here. That the Bible is our book, that the Hebrew of Ezekiel and Isaiah is the language of our dreams, that we are part of a community that has memories and commitments. We are the flag bearers of a Judaism that is not messianic, not racist, not arrogant and not violent.
Unlike Galon’s view that implicitly rejects all Judaisms because of how Orthodox Judaism is interpreted today by the government and its followers, Lapid offers an alternative vision by laying claim to a more expansive version of Judaism, whether based on beliefs, culture and/or a shared history.
A nascent but growing chorus of voices in Israel is creating just such an alternative. At nearby HaBima Square in Tel Aviv, a Conservative, egalitarian service took place at the end of Yom Kippur. The Neilah prayer that closes Yom Kippur started with 20 participants and ended with 300. Secular neighborhoods in northern Tel Aviv have plans to build a public secular sukkah and conduct egalitarian Hakafot (dancing with the Torah) on Simchat Torah. And as a response to Police Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s ultimately abandoned plans for a prayer/provocation on Dizengoff Square, the protest movement offered public, egalitarian prayer on HaBima Square Thursday night, which hundreds attended.
Two days after Yom Kippur, Magi Otsri, a writer and legal scholar and one of the protest movement’s leading online figures, posted a short video that went viral. In it, Otsri notes that Israeli Orthodoxy’s unwillingness to change the halacha of separating men and women during prayer is based on sexist, power-based notions of women created by men. She asserts that in the past biblical rules were easily changed when it suited religious decision-makers. What’s fascinating is that the secular, Tel Aviv-based Otsri uses arguments that were until now only employed by people internal to Orthodoxy (such as religious feminists). Referring to religious mechanisms for bypassing the prohibition on making loans with interest and the religious rules of war, Otsri is not making her argument on strictly liberal grounds but employing the language of Judaism.
Today, more than ever, Israeli liberals are at a crossroads. In the past nine months, they have articulated a Zionism they have embraced and claimed as their own. Will they leave Judaism behind, or will they claim it too?
Given the rate of shocking events in Israel, discerning social trends in Israel from afar can be overwhelming. But amid the conflicting narratives and deafening discourse, I want to encourage those who care about Israel to listen for and encourage the softer and more subtle sounds of Judaism in the words and deeds of Israeli liberals.
The events on Yom Kippur might lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy of a religious war, where Israeli Judaism will be lost to the hands of religious extremists and Israeli liberalism will disconnect entirely from Judaism. Such an outcome is desired by some in both the Orthodox and liberal camps, not to mention the government. But this is not a foregone conclusion, as the words and deeds of Israeli liberals after Yom Kippur reveal. There is an alternative: a more humanistic and pluralist vision of Judaism that Israeli liberals ought to embrace and nurture if they want to win over Israeli society to their vision of the future.
In Jewish tradition, the High Holidays are days of judgment for the past year and a time for resolutions for the coming year. According to tradition, divine judgment starts on Rosh Hashanah, but the verdict is only submitted for enforcement on the last day of Sukkot, or Hoshana Rabbah — to give people every last chance to set a new course.
The events on Yom Kippur were undoubtedly heartbreaking, but we are still only halfway through the High Holidays. There is no better time in the Jewish calendar for Israeli liberals to change the trajectory of Israeli Judaism. As a member of the protest movement posted the day after Yom Kippur, “The protest movement should do for Judaism what it did for the flag. Embrace [it]. Hard.” Instead of blaming the people or groups responsible for the old dichotomy, we just might be witnessing Israeli liberals taking responsibility for a Judaism they believe in.
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The post Street fights over prayer offer liberal Israelis a chance to define a Judaism they can believe in appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Yale University Student Body Approves Divestment Referendum Targeting Israel
Graduates protest the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Islamist terror group Hamas, during the commencement at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, US, May 20, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Michelle McLoughlin
Yale University students have voted in favor of a referendum calling for the school’s divestment from Israel — a core tenet of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement — the Yale Daily News reported on Sunday.
“The referendum, proposed and written by the pro-Palestine Sumud Coalition, asked three questions. The first two ask whether Yale should disclose and divest from its holdings in military weapons manufacturers, ‘including those arming Israel,’ and the third asks whether Yale should ‘act on its commitment to education by investing in Palestinian scholars and students,’” the paper reported, noting that while each item received overwhelming “yes votes,” they equaled just over one-third of the student body.
The low-threshold is, however, sufficient for the referendum questions being codified and passed as a resolution by the Yale College Council (YCC), which facilitated the referendum and spoke positively of it before students cast their votes. It also rings loudly to the school’s Jewish community, senior Netanel Crispe told The Algemeiner during an interview, explaining that some 2,500 students voted for a policy aimed at compromising Israel’s national security to precipitate its destruction.
Crispe, as well as his fellow student Sahar Tartak, led a campaign against the referendum.
“We put up a good fight, and I am immensely proud and grateful for all the students who organized to support the ‘vote no’ campaign,” Crispe said. “While this ultimately represents the opinion of less than half the student body, it highlights the level of animosity, discrimination, and, to a large degree, Jew-hatred that is present on this campus. What they said is that they support destruction of Jews, the abandonment of Western values, and are willing to do anything at their disposal to accomplish those goals.”
He continued, “The largest consequence of this resolution and its passing on the student level is its effect on the Jewish students. Some 2,000 of our peers were willing to publicly make it clear that they don’t support us and that they’re willing to go in favor of a bill that specifically targets the Jewish state and the land of Israel while labeling it as an apartheid state and perpetrator of genocide. I’ve seen no such bill or resolution put forth or passed to condemn Hamas’s actions on Oct. 7 or to support Jewish life or condemn antisemitism.”
On Monday, Yale University told The Algemeiner it will continue to foster intellectual diversity and a robust Jewish student life without discussing the merits, or lack thereof, of the referendum.
“The university remains committed to fostering an academic environment where all can feel a sense of belonging,” a spokesperson said. “There are strong collaborations and close working relationships among the Joseph Slikfa Center for Jewish Life at Yale, Chabad at Yale, the University’s Chaplain’s Office, the faculty-led Advisory Committee on Jewish Student Life, and other offices across Yale, including the Yale College Dean’s Office and the Office of the President. For example, the Advisory Committee on Jewish Student Life is helping to guide the university’s continued efforts to support and enhance student life for Yale’s Jewish students.”
Regarding the referendum, the university said, “The referendum votes are expected to be formally transmitted to President [Maurie McInnis] this week. The YCC followed the referendum process according to its by-laws, and throughout the voting process, many undergraduate students and other members of the Yale community — including graduate and professional school students, faculty, staff, alumni, and parents — shared their views openly with one another and with Yale University leaders.”
Speaking to the Yale Daily News, Han Pimental-Hayes, a leader of the anti-Zionist Sumud Coalition group which authored the resolution, praised the outcome of the referendum as expressing the will of students.
“University leaders have long tried to paint pro-Palestine and pro-divestment students as a fringe majority,” she said. “The results of this referendum demonstrate that, in reality, the movement for a free Palestine and a more ethical endowment is overwhelmingly popular.”
Yale University’s Advisory Committee on Investor Responsibility (ACIR) has before ruled against divesting from armaments manufacturers, saying in April that “it does not believe that such activity meets the criteria for divestment” because “this manufacturing supports socially necessary uses, such as law enforcement and national security.” The decision set off a raging protest which resulted in the assault of a Jewish student and the arrest of some 47 students who had trespassed Beinecke Plaza, where they vowed to abstain from food unless the university acceded to their demands.
The campus has seen a heightening of anti-Zionist and antisemitic behavior since Hamas’s invasion of southern Israel last Oct. 7. Less than a month after the onslaught, the Yale Daily News came under fire for removing what it called “unsubstantiated claims” of the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas raping and beheading Israelis on Oct. 7 from an article written by Sahar Tartak. Published on Oct. 12, the column — which lambasted Yalies4Palestine (Y4P), for defending and seemingly applauding Hamas’s atrocities — was at some point afterward censored to no longer include a portion describing reports and eyewitness accounts of Hamas raping and beheading Israeli civilians. The paper later apologized.
Additionally, on the day of the massacre, Zareena Grewal — an associate professor of American Studies, Ethnicity, Race & Migration, and Religious Studies at Yale who describes herself as a “radical Muslim” — defended Hamas, saying it had “every right to resist through armed struggle” while denouncing Israel as as a “murderous, genocidal settler state.”
Most recently, a pro-Hamas activist spat in the direction of Jewish students, a group which included Tartak, for campaigning against the referendum.
On Monday, during an interview with The Algemeiner, Tartak called on the campus’ Jewish community to confront hostility with courage and strength in numbers.
“Our response to this should be an even stronger and prouder Judaism,” she said. “We need Shabbat dinners to be twice as large, twice as many students visiting Israel for Birthright, lighting Shabbat candles, and coming to Jewish learning classes and Torah study. That’s the way we empower Jewish students: make them connected in proportion to the extent that they are being targeted on campus.”
Follow Dion J.l Pierre @DionJPierre.
The post Yale University Student Body Approves Divestment Referendum Targeting Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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‘UNRWA Gives Rise to Palestinian Terrorism’: Experts React to NYT Expose Revealing UN Staff Active Hamas Members
UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini in Beirut, Lebanon, Sept. 17, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
Dozens of senior staff at UNRWA, including school principals, are active members of Hamas and other terrorist groups, according to a New York Times investigation published on Sunday, in revelations that sparked renewed calls to shutter and defund the controversial United Nations agency responsible for Palestinian refugees and their descendants.
The allegations exposed in the Times, based on firsthand testimonies as well as internal documents seized by the Israeli military from Hamas offices in the Gaza Strip, assert that at least 24 senior administrators and teachers employed by UNRWA at 24 different schools are registered members of Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Many were also involved in armed activities, with some possessing weapons like rifles and grenades or engaging in combat training conducted by these groups.
However, UNRWA expert Einat Wilf — who previously served in Israel’s parliament, known as the Knesset — argued that the Times‘ exposé detracted from the real issue: that UNRWA perpetuates the conflict by entrenching the refugee narrative and fostering a new generation committed to terrorism.
“UNRWA is not infiltrated by Hamas; UNRWA is the soil that constantly gives rise to more violent Palestinian organizations,” Wilf told The Algemeiner.
Residents of Gaza told the Times that Hamas’s presence in UNRWA schools was “an open secret,” with one example of an UNRWA teacher “regularly seen after hours in Hamas fatigues carrying a Kalashnikov.”
The report noted Hamas tunnels running beneath UNRWA schools and referenced internal Hamas communications identifying specific schools as locations for concealing weapons, with some texts describing schools and other civilian areas as ideal shields, or, in their terms, “the best obstacles to protect the resistance.”
In one notable incident, UNRWA uncovered a tunnel running beneath one of its schools in central Gaza. The agency reported at the time that it had protested to Hamas about the tunnel’s presence and moved to seal the entrances. However, the seized documents revealed that the school’s principal, Khaled al-Masri — who UNRWA did not fire — is a Hamas member who had been issued weapons by the terrorist group, including an assault rifle and a handgun. Photographs on social media showed him standing before a Hamas banner.
“The UN has been unable and or unwilling to eliminate Hamas militants and their supporters, as well as those from other terrorist groups, from their ranks,” James Lindsay, who served as UNRWA’s general counsel until 2007, told the Times.
“UNRWA hiring practices and the makeup of the labor pool from which UNRWA draws its employees suggests to me that the numbers the Israelis are talking about are probably pretty close to the truth.”
UNRWA commissioner general Philippe Lazzarini claimed that the organization “lacked the resources” to independently investigate the allegations, according to the report.
He also said that it was “extraordinarily interesting” that Israel shared the documents with the Times rather than UNRWA, but failed to mention that the agency had rejected evidence of terrorist activities on the part of his staff on several occasions in the past.
After being confronted with footage showing UNRWA employees loading the corpse of a murdered Israeli into a vehicle during Hamas’s invasion of southern Israel last Oct. 7, the organization responded by stating that some of its staff “may” have been involved with Hamas.
“The UN seems intent on portraying this problem as a few bad apples, rather than acknowledging that the tree is rotten,” Amir Weissbrod, the Israeli foreign ministry’s deputy director for international organizations, told the Times.
The findings add to long-standing accusations that UNRWA’s operations in Gaza facilitate radicalization rather than fostering peace. Last month, Israel passed legislation banning the agency from operating within Israeli territory and prohibiting any Israeli authority from engaging with it.
Wilf commended the Israeli government for finally taking decisive action against the agency, saying that last month’s bill and the decision to expose the agency to the press marked an end to “decades of serving as UNRWA’s Iron Dome and protector.”
However, she went on to argue that the real issue with UNRWA is not limited to its staff’s ties to Hamas but its broader role in perpetuating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and that while Palestinians often separate UNRWA employment from direct terror activity, “the wife will work as a teacher and get paid directly by UNRWA, and the husband will be a Hamas operative.”
The critical question, Wilf said, is not how many terrorists are paid by UNRWA but rather how many have been educated by the agency or falsely registered as refugees.
“How many of the terrorists, the butchers, not just of Hamas, but Palestinian terrorists over the years, how many of them have been educated by UNRWA? How many of them were living in neighborhoods that were misnamed refugee camps, even though they’re not camps and no one there is a refugee?” she said, adding that the answer is “practically everyone.”
UNRWA “secures the next generation of people who believe that it is their noble duty by any means necessary to ensure that Jews do not and will not have a sovereign state,” she concluded.
Marcus Sheff, CEO of the NGO IMPACT-se, which monitors UNRWA’s educational curricula, responded to the Times‘ report by saying it confirmed what the world has known for years. “Quite simply, Palestinian children are subjected to indoctrination on a grand scale — and UNRWA is one of the driving forces behind it,” he told The Algemeiner.
According to Sheff, the curriculum in UNRWA schools glorifies violence and promotes deeply antisemitic narratives. “UNRWA educates the majority of schoolchildren in the Gaza Strip,” he said. “They teach students that Jews are liars and fraudsters, that Jews spread corruption which will lead to their annihilation. They are told to ‘cut the necks of the enemy,’ that a massacre of Jews on a bus is to be celebrated as a BBQ party. Terrorists like Dalal Mughrabi, who murdered 38 people, including 13 children, are held up as role models. Many of the people running the schools, teaching, and creating educational content are members of terror organizations. UNRWA is not fit for purpose and should not be allowed to educate children.”
In 2018, the Trump administration cut all funding to UNRWA, calling the agency “irredeemably flawed,” a decision reversed by the Biden administration soon after taking office. Apart from the US, UNRWA receives funding from Canada and several EU states.
Fleur Hassan Nahoum, special envoy for Israel’s foreign ministry, called on those countries to cease all funding to the agency, which she described as an obstacle to peace.
“UNRWA was infiltrated by jihadi terrorists a long time ago,” she told The Algemeiner. “The world is now unearthing what we already knew. It is a poisonous organization taking us further away from peace. The question is now why are countries still funding them.”
The post ‘UNRWA Gives Rise to Palestinian Terrorism’: Experts React to NYT Expose Revealing UN Staff Active Hamas Members first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Trump Says Israel Must Have ‘Victory’ in Gaza as Middle East Rises to Top of Transition Agenda
US President-elect Donald Trump speaks during a meeting with House Republicans at the Hyatt Regency hotel in Washington, DC, US on Nov. 13, 2024. Photo: ALLISON ROBBERT/Pool via REUTERS
US President-elect Donald Trump on Sunday said that Israel must achieve “victory” against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza before the war can end, elaborating on his views toward the conflict as the Middle East rises to the top of his agenda just six weeks out from his inauguration next month.
In Trump’s first sit-down interview since his electoral victory last month, NBC host Kristen Welker asked if the president-elect is going to “pressure” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to end the war in Gaza.
“Yeah, sure,” Trump said, shrugging.
“I want him to end it, but you have to have a victory,” he continued, before adding that people have “forgotten” about Hamas’s invasion of southern Israel last Oct. 7, which started the war.
“People forget about Oct. 7 … I noticed that a lot of people are saying, ‘Oh, it never really happened.’ That’s like the Holocaust,” Trump said. “You know, you have Holocaust deniers. Now you have Oct. 7 deniers, and it just happened. No, Oct. 7 happened. And I’ve seen the pictures. It is — what happened is horrible.”
Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists murdered 1,200 people, wounded thousands more, and kidnapped over 250 hostages back to Gaza while perpetrating mass sexual violence during their onslaught last Oct. 7. Israel responded to the massacre with an ongoing military campaign in neighboring Hamas-ruled Gaza aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling the terrorist group’s military and governing capabilities.
Since the onslaught, many anti-Israel activists, organizations, and lawmakers have attempted to downplay the atrocities, even alleging that widely corroborated claims of systematic sexual violence targeting Israeli women were fabricated. In some cases, others have falsely claimed that Israel, not Hamas, killed all the civilians on Oct. 7 in a “false flag” operation to justify a subsequent offensive in Gaza.
Trump’s comments came on the same day that he released a statement on the social media platform Truth Social reacting to the toppling of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime by rebel forces over the weekend.
“Assad is gone. He has fled his country. His protector, Russia, Russia, Russia, led by Vladimir Putin, was not interested in protecting him any longer,” Trump posted. “There was no reason for Russia to be there [in Syria] in the first place. They lost all interest in Syria because of Ukraine, where close to 600,000 Russian soldiers lay wounded or dead, in a war that should never have started, and could go on forever. Russia and Iran are in a weakened state right now, one because of Ukraine and a bad economy, the other because of Israel and its fighting success.”
On Saturday, Trump argued that the US should “not get involved” in Syria.
“Syria is a mess, but is not our friend, & THE UNITED STATES SHOULD HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT. THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT. LET IT PLAY OUT. DO NOT GET INVOLVED!” he wrote on Truth Social.
Despite having expressed a desire during his presidential campaign to remain out of foreign military entanglements and focus on US domestic issues, Trump has found himself increasingly focused on the Middle East amid major regional developments.
Last week, Trump vowed there will be “hell to pay” in the region if Hamas does not release all of the remaining hostages in Gaza before his inauguration on Jan. 20.
The post Trump Says Israel Must Have ‘Victory’ in Gaza as Middle East Rises to Top of Transition Agenda first appeared on Algemeiner.com.